13 mservative virtue, which resides in the hearts id consciences of twenty-five millions of Ameri- m freemen. The people of the United States, in i is case, will never stop to ask whether the in- ibition was germane or not. They are not yet 'epared to receive their own money back at your ands, on condition of the surrender of liberty or ic denial of justice. But if I grant that the peo- (e will stand by you, and condemn the House ' Representatives, still in that case I take my .and with the House of Representatives. The merican people have a persevering way of corseting to-day their error of yesterday. When le temporary inconvenience which they shall ave suffered from your act of withholding from icm the twelve millions of dollars which ought ) be disbursed to them through the operations f the army, shall have passed away, they will Hl you to account for the injustice which will ave inflicted that injury, and will then vindi- a.tc their fidelity to Liberty and Justice, while ternly bestowing upon you the censure you have revoked. Whatever may be the decision, early or late, of re American people, the judgment now to be iven will go for review to the tribunal of the ivilized world. It needs little of either learning r foresight, to anticipate the decision of that ■ibunal, on the issue whether the Senate is right i using bayonets and gunpowder to execute neonstitutional and tyrannical laws, tending to arry Slavery irito free Territories, or the House f Representatives is right in maintaining the 'onstitution and the universality of Freedom. The whole question of the propriety of the in- ibition hinges on the point whether, under the ircumstances, it is necessary. I appeal on that >oint to the Senate itself, to the country, and to he world. Either the inhibition must be continued n the bill, and so take effect, or else the army rill be employed to enforce these atrocious laws. J very other effort to defeat and to abrogate them tas failed. This attempt is the last that can be nade. It is therefore this remedy for the revo- ution in Kansas which we must adopt, or no einedy. I go, therefore, with the House of Rep- esentatives, for the inhibition which it proposes. You reply, that if the House of Representatives jersevere, the bill will fail, and thus the ac- ion of the Government will be arrested. But dthough the House shall persevere in the right, he bill will not fail, and the action of the Gov- irnment will not be arrested, unless the Senate Rall persevere in the wrong. If both shall perse- ■ere, and the action of the Government shall be arrested, on whom will the responsibility fall ? Must the House necessarily surrender its own convictions, and adopt yours, in all cases, whether they are right or wrong ? If so, pray tell me Senators, what is the use of a House of Representatives at all ? Sir, the Senate will find, if it shall assume the position of defiance against the House, that it has not weakened the strength of the House of Representatives, but perilled its own. By the letter of the Constitution, the House of Representatives has exclusive right to originate all bills for raising revenue. By custom, inherited from Great Britain, and unbroken since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the House of Representatives, exclusively, originates all general appropriation bills. This exclusive right and custom of originating general appropriation bills involves at least an equal right, on the part of the House of Representatives, to limit or direct the application of the moneys appropriated. The House, in view of the revolution inaugurated in Kansas by the President, with the aid of the army of the United States, and maintained by the Senate, might lawfully, if in its discretion it should deem such a course expedient, refuse to appropriate any money whatever for the support of the army. The greater includes the less. The House may therefore attach the prohibition as a condition of the grant of supplies for the army. The honorable Senator from Maine [Mr. Fessenden] has sagely said, in the course of his excellent speech, that the House has, by reason of its constitution, a peculiar and superior fitness for passing on the question involved in this debate. Its members are fresh from the people, and they go hence directly, to render an account to the people of the administration of the National Treasury. We of the Senate are so far removed, by the duration of our terms of office, as practically to be in a measure irresponsible. The House of Representatives is constituted by direct election by the people themselves. We of the Senate are sent here by the Legislatures of the respective States. They are great .political bodies, and justly represented here as such, to check, if need be, the too volatile action of the people through the House of Representatives. But they are corporations, nevertheless, and the Senate is a body representing corporations. Moreover, the Senate, by force of its constitution as a council of the President, in appointments to office and in the conduct of foreign affairs, is more readily inclined towards combination with the President, and of course to dependence upon him, than the House of Repre-
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