s [ Doc. No. 82. ] In proportion to the extent of country, is, generally speaking, the diversity and collision of interest, and where there is diversity of interests, there will be compromises and combinations among some of them, until the impediments to action are overthrown; and then to doubt, when thus forming a majority, that they will be governed by motives of sectional aggrandizement, would be to doubt the operation of the most universally motive spring to action implanted in the breast of man, which, however uncertain we may suppose it to be when operating on individuals, never fails to exercise its influence on multitudes or communities. Thus it is, that self-interest stimulates the majority to further its welfare, by partial legislation, at the expense of the minority. Majorities are almost always right, we are very ready to concede, whenever they have no immediate peculiar interests in opposition to those of minorities; but when such conflicting interests do exist, surely he must be ignorant of the principles of human nature who would contend for the infallibility of their measures. And here we wish not to be understood as imputing evil motives to the great masses of people composing those sectional majorities; when they act wrongly, they may be perfectly honest and conscientious in their course; their prejudices may be honestlv generated through the influence of self interest. The great mass of mankind is almost always honest, however erroneous its judgments may be, or however wicked the leaders are who contribute to their misguidance. It is by no means necessary that we should impute dishonesty to the people to maintain the argument. In a Government, then, whose action is felt through so wide a territory as that of the Federal Government, and which may be made to operate on so many conflicting interests), and, consequently, labors under so many and constant temptations to partial legislation, surely it cannot be improper that the majority should be exceedingly cautious in its action, and should sometimes consent to a repeal of its acts, when judged by a large and respectable minority to be subversive of its rights and interests. Let us look now a moment to our tariff, and see whether it be not obnoxious to some of those objections which we have described. And we believe we may, without fear of contradiction, assert, that there is scarcely one single article in the whole catalogue of protected commodities, which would have received protection singly and unconnectedly with every other; and why is this the case? Because every article protected, is a tax on every section of the community not engaged in its production ; and a tax which each section is unwilling to bear, unless it can receive its equivalent. The sphere of protection has, therefore, been enlarged merely with a view of adding strength to the party; and the internal improvement interest, for the same reason, has been admitted into the coalition—an interest which has no natural alliance for, or affinity to, the tariff—but the two are brought together, and harmonize, only from the circumstance of their common dependance on the Government, and the necessity of their union to secure a majority in the national councils. Now let us, for a moment, cast a glance on the various portions of’the Union, while this compromise is going forward. We behold an extensive district of country stretching along the Atlantic frontier, from the Chesapeake almost to the Gulf of Mexico, wholly excluded from the compromise. Blessed with geniality of clime, fertility of soil, and advantage of position, it asks for no protection. It produces corn, wheat, tobacco, rice, and cotton,
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