The Crime Against Kansas

14 nceived, when it is understood that in three ffions only of it is the penalty of death de- unced no less than forty-eight different nes, by as many changes of language, ainst the heinous offence, described in forty- £ht different ways, of interfering with what es not exist in that Territory—and under e Constitution cannot exist there—I mean pperty in human flesh. Thus is Liberty ^rificed to Slavery, and Death summoned to at the gates as guardian of the Wrong. ‘But the work of Usurpation was not per- Hed even yet. It had already cost too much 1 jo left at any hazard. ;----------------“ lo be thus was nothing ; But to be safely thus I” ch was the object. And this could not be, bept by the entire prostration of all thesafe- The liberty of irds of Human Rights. ?ech, which is the very breath of a Repub- the press, which is the terror of wrong- 3rs; the bar, through which the oppressed irds the arrogance of law; the jury, by ich right is vindicated; all these must be kick down, while officers are provided, in all ces, ready to be the tools of this tyranny; J then, to obtain final assurance that their jne was secure, the whole Usurpation, Etching over the Territory, most be fastened d riveted by legislative bolts, spikes, and tews, so as to defy all effort at change yough the ordinary forms of law. To this i»rk, in its various parts, were bent the sub- ’|t energies; and never, from Tubal Cain to hour, was any fabric forged with more operate skill and completeness. i^ark, sir, three different legislative enact- ^its, which constitute part of this work. according to one act, all who deny, by ^en or written word, “ the right of per- 1,5 to hold slaves in this Territory,” are jlounced as felons, to be punished by impri- hnent at hard labor, for a term not less ia two years; it may be for life. And to the extravagance of this injustice, it has a well put by the Senator from Vermont Collamer], that should the Senator from Ihigan [Mr. Cass], who believes that Slavery hot exist in a Territory, unless introduced express legislative acts, venture there with ■noderate opinions, his doom must be that L felon! To this extent are the great liberal of speech and of the press subverted. [ndly, by another act, entitled “An Act kerning Attorneys-at-Law,” no person can । .tise as an attorney, unless he shall obtain \iense from the Territorial courts, which, of ’ se, a tyrannical discretion will be free to and after obtaining such license, he is ftrained to take an oath, not only “tosup- ,J” the Constitution of the United States, miso “to support and sustain”—mark here I the reduplication—the Territorial Act, and the Fugitive Slave Bill, thus erecting a test for the function of the bar, calculated to exclude citizens who honestly regard that latter legislative enormity as unfit to be obeyed. And, thirdly^ by another act, entitled u An Act concerning Jurors,” all persons “conscientiously opposed to holding slaves,” or “ not admitting - the right to hold slaves in the Territory,” are excluded from the jury on every question, civil or criminal, arising out of asserted slave property ; while, in all cases, the summoning of the jury is left without one word of restraint, to “ the marshal, sheriff, or other officer,” who are thus free to pack it according to their ‘ tyrannical discretion. For the ready enforcement of all statutes against Human Freedom, the President had already furnished a powerful quota of officers, in the Governor, Chief Justice, Judges, Secretary, Attorney, and Marshal. The Legislature < ompleted this part of the work, by constitut- ) ig, in each county, a Board of Commissioners^ - < omposed of two persons, associated with the 1 robate Judge, whose duty it is “toappoint a county treasurer, coroner, justices of the peace, constablesand all other officers provided i for by law,” and then proceeded to the choice of this very Board; thus delegating and diffusing their usurped power, and tyrannically im-. posing upon the Territory, a crowd of officers, in whose appointment the people have had no voice, directly or indirectly. And still the final inexorable work remained. A Legislature, renovated in both branches, could not assemble until 1858, so that, during this long intermediate period, this whole system must continue in the likeness of law, unI less overturned by the Federal Government, or, in default of such interposition, by a gener- | ous uprising of an oppressed people. But it was necessary to guard against the possibility of change, even tardily, at a future election ; and this was done by two different acts; under the first of which, all who will not take the oath to support the Fugitive Slave Bill are excluded from the elective franchise; and under the second of which, all others are entitled to vote who shall tender a tax of one dollar to the Sheriff on the day of election ; thus, by provision of Territorial law, disfranchising all opposed to Slavery, and at the same time opening the door to the votes of the invaders ; by an unconstitutional shibboleth, excluding from the polls the mass of actual settlers, and by making the franchise depend upon a petty tax only, admitting to the polls the mass of borderers from Missouri. Thus, by tyrannical forethought, the Usurpation not only fortified all that it did, but assumed a self-perpetuating energy. Thus was the Crime consummated. Slavery now stands erect, clanking its chains on the

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