20 J I merely to control elections, and not to remain । in the Territory; for its whole action, and all I its anticipation of pecuniary profits, areibund- . cd on the hope to stock the country with per- kmanent settlers, by whose labor the capital of FUie Company shall be made to yield its in- L crease, and by whose fixed interest in the soil [t the welfare of all shall be promoted. S Sir, it has not the honor of being an Aboli- |i tion Society, or of numbering among its ofli- cers Abolitionists. Its President is a retired. I citizen, of ample means and charitable life, i-who has taken no part in the conflicts on Slavery, and has never allowed his sympathies \ to bo felt by Abolitionists. One of its Vice- . family nts is a gentleman from Virginia, with and friends there, who has always op- s posed the Abolitionists. Its generous Treasurer, who is now justly absorbed by the objects of the Company, has always been under- ' stood as ranging with his extensive connections, by blood and marriage, on the side of that quietism which submits to all the tyranny ower. Its Directors are more of the Slave P I conspicuous for wealth and science, than for any activity against Slavery. Among these is i an eminent lawyer of Massachusetts, Mr. Chapman—personally known, doubtless, to some who hear me—who has distinguished himself by an austere conservatism, too natural to the . atmosphere of courts, which does not flinch even from the support of the Fugitive Slave - Bill. In a recent address at a public meeting in Springfield, this gentleman thus speaks for i himself and his associates: i A I “I have been a Director of the Society from the first, and have kept myself well in*-rmed in regard to its proceedings. I am not aware tha^ any one in this community ever suspected me of being an Abolitionist ; but I have been accused of being Pro-Slavery; and I believe many good people think I am quite too conservative on that subject. I take this occasion to say that all the plans and proceedings of the Society have met my approbation ; and 1 assert that it has never I done a single act with which any political party, or the people of any section of the country can justly find fault. The name of its President, Mr. Brown, of Providence, and of its , Treasurer, Mr. Lawrence, of Boston, are a sufficient guarantee in the estimation of intelligent men against its being . engaged in any fanatical enterprise. Its stockholders are composed of men of all political parties except Abolitionists. I am not aware that it has received the patronage of that class of our fellow-citizens, ami I am informed that some of them disapprove of its proceedings.” The acts of the Company have been such as might be expected from auspices thus severely careful at all points. The secret, through which, with small means, it has been able to accomplish so much, is, that, as an inducement . to emic/ration^ it has gone forward and planted capital in advance of population. According to the old immethodical system, this rule is re- •/ versed; and population has been left to grope blindly, without the advantage of fixed centres, with mills, schools, and churches—all calculated to soften the hardships of pioneer • life—such as have been established beforehand man of honor, and as a Senator, would have Here, sir, is the secret of the Em-] forbidden ; but the Slave Power, in enforcing in Kansas. igrant Aid Company. By this single principle, which is now practically applied for tl^ first time in history, and which has the simplicity of genius, a business association at a distance, without a large capital, has become a beneficent instrument of civilization, exercising the functions of various Societies, and in itself being a Missionary Society, a Bible Society, a Tract Society, an Education Society, and a Society for the Diffusion of the Mechanic Arts. I would not claim too much for this Company; but I doubt if, at this moment, there is any Society, which is so completely philanthropic; and since its leading idea, like the light of a candle from which other candles are lighted without number, may be applied indefinitely, it promises to be an important aid to Human Progress. The lesson it teaches- cannot be forgotten, and hereafter, wherever unsettled lands exist, intelligent capital will lead the way, anticipating the wants of tb-e pioneer—nay, doing the very work of the original pioneer—while, amidst well-arranged harmonies, a new community will arise, to be- come, by its example, a more eloquent preacher than any solitary missionary. In subordination to this essential idea, is its humbler machinery for the aid of emigrants on their way, by combining parties, so that friends and neighbors might journey together; by purchasing tickets at wholesale, and furnishing them to individuals at the actual cost; by providing for each party a conductor familiar with the road, and, through these simple means, promoting the economy, safety, and comfort, of the expedition. The number of emigrants it has directly aided, even thus slightly, in their journey, has been infinitely exaggerated. From the beginning of its operations, down to the close of the last autumn, all its detachments from Massachusetts contained only thirteen hundred and twelve persons. Such is the simple tale of the Emigrant Aid Company. Sir, not even suspicion can justly touch it. But it must be made a scapegoat. This is the decree which has gone forth. I was hardly surprised at this outrage, when it proceeded from the President, for, like Macboth, he is stepped so far in, that returning- were as tedious as go on; but I did not expect it from the Senator from Missouri [Mr. Geyek,] whom I had learned to respect for the general moderation of his views, and the name he has won in an honorable profession. Listening to extent to which Slavery will sway a candid mind to do injustice. Had any other interest been in question, that Senator would have scorned to join in impeachment of such an association. His instincts as a law ver, as a
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