human skill—by her institutions of education, Various as human knowledge—by her institutions of benevolence, various as human suffering—by the pages of her scholars and his- mrians—by the voices of her poets and orators, she is now exerting an influence more tubtile and commanding than ever before— shooting her far-darting rays wherever ignorance, wretchedness, or wrong, prevail, and dashing light even upon those who travel far So persecute her. Such is Massachusetts, and >( am proud to believe that you may as well attempt, with puny arm, to topple down the jarth-rooted, heaven-kissing granite which browns the historic sod of Bunker Hill, as to change her fixed resolves for Freedom everywhere, and especially now for freedom in Kan11 nas. I exult, too, that in this battle, which 'surpasses far in moral grandeur the whole war >f the Revolution, she is able to preserve her just eminence. To the first she contributed a arger number of troops than any other State n the Union, and larger than all the Slave States together; and now to the second, which s not of contending armies, but of contending opinions, on whose issue hangs trembling the Advancing civilization of the country, she con- ;ributes, through the manifold and endless intellectual activity of her children, more of that divine spark by which opinions are piickened into life, than is contributed by any other State, or by all the Slave States together, while her annual productive industry excels in value three times the whole vaunted cotton crop of the whole South. Sir, to men on earth it belongs only to deserve success; not to secure it; and I know not how soon the efforts of Massachusetts will wear the crown of triumph. But it cannot be that she acts wrong for herself or children, when in this cause she thus encounters reproach. No; by the generous souls who were exposed at Lexington; by those who stood arrayed at Bunker Hill; by the many from her bosom who, on all the fields of the first great struggle, lent their vigorous arms to the cause of all; by the children she has borne, whose names alone are national trophies, is Massachusetts now vowed irrevocably to this work. What belongs to the faithful servant she will do in all things, and Providence shall determine the result. And here ends what I have to say of the four Apologies for the Crime against Kansas. Having spoken three hours, he yielded to a '.notion to adjourn. Tuesday he concluded thus: III. From this ample survey, where one obstruction after another has been removed, I now pass, in the third place, to the consideration of the various remedies proposed, ending with the True Remedy. The Remedy should bo co-extensive with the original Wrong; and since, by the passage of the Nebraska Bill, not only Kansas, but also Nebraska, Minnesota, Washington, and even Oregon, have been opened to Slavery, the original Prohibition should be restored to its complete activity throughout these various Territories. By such a happy restoration,- made in good faith, the whole country would be replaced in the condition which it enjoyed before the introduction of that dishonest measure. Here is the Alpha and the Omega of our aim in this controversy. But no such extensive measure is now in question. The Crime against Kansas had been special, and all else is absorbed in the special remedies for it. Of these I shall now speak. As the Apologies were four-fold, so are the . Remedies proposed four-fold, and they range * themselves in natural order, under designations which so truly disclose their character as even to supersede argument. First, we have the Riemedy of Tyranny; next, the Remedy of Folly ; next, the remedy of Injustice and Civil War; and fourthly, the Remedy of Justice and Peace. These are the four caskets; and you are to determine which shall be opened by Senatorial votes. There is the Remedy of Tyranny, whiclq like its complement, the Apology of Tyranny —though espoused on this floor, especially by the Senator from Illinois—proceeds from the President, and is embodied in a special message. It proposes to enforce obedience to the existing laws of Kansas, “whether Federal or localf when, in fact, Kansas has no “local”- laws, except those imposed by the Usurpation from Missouri, and it calls for additional appropriations to complete this work of 1 shall not follow the President in his elaborate endeavor to prejudge the contested election now pending in the House of Representatives; for this whole matter belongs to the privileges of that body, and neither the President nor the Senate has a right to intermeddle therewith. 1 do not touch it. But now, while dismissing it, I should not pardon myself, if I failed to add, that any person who founds his claim to a seat in Congress on the pretended votes of hirelings from another State, with no home on the soil of Kansas, plays the part of Anacharsis Clootz, who, at the bar of the French convention, undertook to represent nations that knew him not, or, if they knew him, scorned him; with this difference, that in our American case, the excessive farce of the transaction cannot cover its tragedy. But all this 1 put aside—to deal only with what is legitimately before the Senate. I expose simply the Tyranny which upholds the existing Usurpation, and asks for addi
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