Oration, by William H. Seward, at Plymouth

3 and healthful emulation. Mankind seek out the noblest among the successful champions, and, investing him with imaginary excellence in addition to his real merit, set him apart as an-object of universal veneration to the, world’s end. We recognise such impersonations in Tell and Alfred, in Wallace and Washington. These successful martial revolutions, however, only' consummate changes which were long before projected and prepared, by bold, thoughtful, earnest, and persevering reformers. There is justly due, therefore, to these reformers, at least some of the homage which redeemed nations award to their benefactors. We shall increase that tribute,'if we reflect that the sagacity which detects the roots and causes from which national calamities and thraldoms spring, and proceeds calmly to remove them, and to avert the need of an ultimate sanguinary remedy, or else prepare that remedy so that it shall be effectual, combines the merits of genius, of prudence, and humanity, with those of patriotism. Our admiration of these reformers will rise still higher, when we remember that they always are eminently good men, denied the confidence and sympathies of the country which they are endeavoring to save. They are necessarily good men, because only such can love freedom heartily. “All others love not freedom, but license, which never hath more scope or indulgence than under tyrants. Hence it is that tyrants are not often offended, nor stand much in doubt of bad men, as being all naturally servile; but in whom virtue and true worth most is eminent, these they fear in earnest, as by right their masters. Against these lie all their hatred and suspicion. Consequently, neither do bad men hate tyrants, but have been always readiest, with their falsified names of loyalty and obedience, to color over their base complian- ces.” The devotion of these, the real authors of all beneficent revolutions, to the melioration of human society, is therefore the most perfect and impressive form of magnanimity. I know very well that this estimate is not generally allowed; nor is the injustice of the case peculiar. It occurs in all other departments of activity. We justly honor the name of Watt, who applied the ascertained mechanical power of steam to the service of the useful arts of social life—and the memory of Fulton, who converted the steam engine into a marine power, and sent it abroad on all lakes, rivers, and oceans) an agent of commerce, knowledge, civilization, and freedom. Yet we seldom recall the previous and indispensable studies of the Marquis of Worcester, who modestly announced his invention of the steam engine itself in those words, as full of piety and benevolence as ofjoy: “Thanks to God, next to those which are due for creation and redemption, for having vouchsafed an insight into so great a secret of nature, beneficial to all mankind, as this water-commanding engine.” We cheerfully accord renown to Morse, who produced the electric telegraph; but we are prone to forget that Franklin discovered the germ of that great invention, by boldly questioning the awe-inspiring lightnings in their native skies. There is abundant excuse for the popular neglect of peaceful, social reformers. Either they are engaged in apparently idle and visionary speculations, or else occupied in what seems even more absurd, an obstinate contention with the prevailing political philosophy of their age. Those speculations assume the consistency of science—that contention, the dignity of knowledge—only when in some later age the principles they announced have been established. In the mean time, they pass for malcontents and fanatics. The rude taste of society generally delights in themes- and characters which are sounding, marvellous, and magnificent; and prefers the march, the camp, the siege, the surprise, the sortie, the charge, the battle, with its quickly vibrating fortunes— the victory, the agonies of the night which follows it, and the pomp and revelry of the day which banishes the complaining memories of that fearful night, to the humanitarian’s placid studies, or the bewildering debates of polemic politics. Excusable, however, as the injustice is which I have described, it is neverthe­

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