29 Every schoolboy knows that the attempt of South Carolina, in 1832, to nullify within her borders a law of Congress, was, to every intent and purpose, disunion. Sir, the rebellion was not the work of a moment, nor the result of any injustice done to the South, or threatened to be done by the Government of the United States; but it was in pursuance of the long- cherished schemes of southern men for the destruction of the Union. As evidence of this fact, we have only to refer to the speeches of the leading men of South Carolina in her secession convention, said : “Mr. Parker. Mr. President, it appears to me, with great deference to the opinions that have been expressed, that the public mind is fully made up to the great occasion that now awaits us. It is no spasmodic effort that has come suddenly upon us, but it has been gradually culminating for. a long series of years, until at last it has come to that point when we may say the matter is entirely right. “ Mr. Inglis. Mr. President if there is any gentleman present who wishes to debate this matter, of course this body will hear him; but as to delay for the purpose of a discussion, I for one am opposed to it. As my friend (Mr. Parker) has said, most of us have had this matter under consideration for the last twenty years, and I presume we have by this time arrived at a decision upon the subject. “Mr. Keitt. Sir, we are performing a great act, which involves not only the stirring present, but embraces the whole great force of ages to come. I have been engaged in this movement ever since I entered political life. I am content with what has been done to-day, and content with what will take place to-morrow. We have carried the body of this Union to its last resting place, and now we will drop the flag over its grave. After that is done, I am ready to adjourn and leave the remaining ceremonies for to-morrow. “Mr. Rhett. The secession of South Carolina is not an event of a day. It is not anything produced by Mr. Lincoln’s election, or by the non-execu- tion of the fugitive slave law. It has been a matter which has been gathering head for thirty years. The election of Lincoln and Hamlin was the last straw on the back of the camel. But it was not the only one. The back was nearly broken before. The point upon which, I differ from my friend is this: He says he thought it expedient for us to put this great question before the world upon this simple matter of wrongs on the question of slavery, and that question turned upon the fugitive slave law. Now, in regard to the fugitive slave law, I myself doubt its constitutionality, and I doubted it on the floor of the Senate, when I was a member of that body The States, acting in their sovereign, capacity, should be responsible tor ie rendition of fugitive slaves. That was our best security.” ~ Thus spoke the men who took the initial step in this rebellion; and shall we believe them, or the traitors at the North, who are endeavoring to deceive the people to obtain political power ? But, sir, “the Proclamation I” “the Proclamation!” “the bloody 1 rodamation !” This is the specter that haunts the imagination of some gentlemen by day and by night. What would gentlemen have us do? The President declared his purpose to save the Union without destroying slavery, if he could; but, if he could not, he would destroy it. He maintained that it was his duty to save the Union, with or without slavery. It was found that while our soldiers were fighting the masters in front, the slaves were in the rear raising provisions for the rebel army. It was found, sir, that the slaves were being used to dig entrenchments, build fortifications, and to shoot our brave men, whenever the occasion required. It was ascertained that the most - eiiicient help the rebels had was the labor of the unwilling slave. Now, sir, good sense would dictate to any man, that in a contest •like this, for national life, it was not only our privilege, under the law
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