34 with, deciding upon what will be, in point of fact, the freedom of the former slaves, so loudly proclaimed. Once more, whether there will be few or many negro voters in the South is not the point in discussion. Shall there be any negro voters there, yes, or no. There are such in the North, although unhappily not in all the states ; shall the fundamental distinction be maintained between the North and South, by virtue of which the negro race, admitted to political rights on one side of the line which separates the two regions, will be excluded on the other side ? As well decide that the conflict of slavery shall go on, and that a new civil war shall be in store for you. I am at a loss to conceive how the true friends of the Union can be divided on such a subject. The point at stake is, definitely, to defend or to endanger it. The men who have agreed upon civil war should agree also upon the destruction of the cause of the war. Why sacrifice a precious unanimity ? It is easy to make reciprocal concessions. Those who, by virtue of an ultra prudence, would grant the negroes of the South no political rights at present, might well consent to admit them in small numbers. Those also, who, by virtue of a theory perhaps not less ultra, would confer universal suffrage upon them on the spot, might well consent to reduce these pretensions, provided that the race were admitted to the right of suffrage. Universal negro suffrage cannot be a dogma, since universal white suffrage is not such ; to impose conditions on the right of suffrage would offend none of your constitutional maxims. IX. If the rumors which reach us in Europe are well founded, you yourself, Mr. President, have suggested the establishment of a condition which, while setting aside the majority of the negroes for the present, would have the advantage of not setting aside the whole race, and would permit the shaping of a period of transition. You have advised, it is said (I know not whether this is true, but I hope it may be so), the adop
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