/ ‘ 37 those who did not flee to the federal armies, all received, as if by an underground communication, intelligence of what was passing ; all had but one heart; all passionately loved their father Lincoln ; all obeyed a watchword, tranquilly, and avoiding insurrectionary movements, but letting their masters understand that they would incur great danger in arming them and sending them against the Northern armies. I believe, therefore, that the vote of the negroes, uncertain at first, would later settle on the side of the Union. We repeat, moreover, that the point at stake is not to shape votes of such or such a political stripe, but to repair an immense injustice. This, thank God, is not a party question. X. If tenacious prejudices which the habits of slavery had created in the Southern states were alone in question, I might appeal to the Southerners themselves. Yes, they themselves might desire that the negro question should be regulated on the spot by Congress, and regulated in the sense of liberty. They themselves might regard as a deliverance the salutary decision which should impose on their readmission the condition of accepting such a charge.. They have indeed to choose between negro suffrage and a system of indefinite guardianship. No one—I suppose so at least—would consent unreservedly to abandon the former slaves to the caprice of their former masters. There will be, therefore, at least in the beginning, a guardianship in the South, exercised by the federal authority. There will be freedmen’s bureaux; there will be redress in the federal courts ; there will be surveillance and protection. But will this state of things be provisional or permanent ? This is the form under which the question of negro suffrage must be presented to the eyes of the South. You will not contradict me, Mr. President, if I affirm that the guardianship of the negroes, which is a necessity, is a painful necessity. This guardianship will be difficult of execution ; it will arouse the passions ; it will constitute a subject of
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