14 Still the only important fact at this time is, that it is so. For the allaying of this feeling and the showing of a readiness to hear and weigh complaints—the exhibition of a desire to be fully understood—the manifestation of a disposition for conciliatory feeling and action, and the gaining of time in which the sober, second thought of the people should have effect, could I only find reason for the appointment of a commission like that provided for by this General Assembly a few days since. For the accomplishment of any end beyond this I could not hope, or see ground for hope. When we come to talk about compromise, there seems no hope of any good. What have we to concede ? And if we make concessions what evidence have we of the probability of their acceptance, and of that acceptance settling the difficulties under which we are laboring? Is it by the adoption of the Crittenden or any other like proposition ? Our Southern brethren scorn that, or any thing which does not yield the whole, or main point by them claimed; and if agreed upon, it will never be sanctioned by the people of the North. Any attempted arrangement which should be entered into, which will not be sustained by the people of all sections afterwards, will only complicate, and make more serious our difficulties. One thing, it seems to me, is fully and sufficiently determined upon and indicated— the people of the North will not consent to the further extension, the nationalization of slavery, and the making the general government responsible for it any where. Then where is our hope ? Not in a compromise which shall only open the way for future troubles, for thus has it been in all the history of our country since the adoption of the constitution. Every concession has been to this slave interest, each addition of territory has been at the instigation of this slave power, out of which addition of territory the questions of difficulty have arisen. So now all concessions asked, are by this same in- tersest. So passing strange is it that this interest which has had possession of the government during almost its entire existence, and has moulded the policy of that government, should under it have been such a sufferer as to require constant concession as relief from onerous burdens placed upon it. And now, at the first prospect of a change in the policy of that government, even partial though it may be, State after State active in this interest withdraws itself from the Union. Talk about the aggressions of the North, there is no force in the assumption. All the foundation for any thing of this kind there can be, rests simply in the fact that the expansive power of free institutions is such that with all the advantages which may be
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