15 Whig character passed upon by some inspecting editor here in Washington, had not been many days in this place before one of that profession animadverted on me and two of my friends, as “putrid excrescences” upon the Whig party. In perhaps not quite so direct language, he passed the same sentence on three other Whig members, and recommended, ! think, that we should be- “ lopped off.” The calculation at the time was, that the party in this House had five majority, all told. It was a brilliant idea, that “lopping off,” which would have left a minus quantity behind. Sir, it would not have been good partisan economy—it would not have secured a good working majority. It would have been financiering too much like that of the honest soldier in the English song— . “ How happy’s the soldier that lives on his pay, And spends half a crown upon sixpence a day!” The happy thought was ground out by what was said—of course, erroneously —to be the organ of a certain interest in this House. To judge from the music it discoursed, it was , an instrument of indifferent pretension, fitted with a sorry set of what Milton calls “Scrannel pipes of wretched straw.” From the lumber garret, which was its too evident destiny, it has lately, if report says true, been ransomed, to be furnished with another stop, and attuned to a different symphony. I think it was time., [Before the close of the last paragraph, the Chairman’s hammer fell, oq the expiration of the hour. Mr. P. would have gone on substantially as follows:] There is another large number of persons, who are apt to be left wholly out of the account, in a consideration of this question—friends of freedom, who, disinclined to attach themselves to a third party, and merely block the wheels—utterly dissatisfied with the Democratic party, because of its alliance with slavery, and not sufficiently satisfied with the Whigs, because they think their practice is not up to their professions—stay at home, and do not vote at all, simply hoping and waiting for better times. When the Democratic party in Massachusetts suddenly abandoned, in 1845, the opposition to the annexation of Texas, in which, up to that time, it had gone hand in hand with its rival, the effect was immediately seen at the autumn election, in the loss of seventeen thousand of its votes—very nearly one-third of the whole number. It fell off still further the following year; and although it recovered a few thousands at the last election of governor, this gain has been thought to be owing, to some extent, to the accession of Whigs favorable to the war. There can scarcely be fewer than 160,000 voters in Massachusetts. The last year but one, the aggregate of votes scarcely exceeded 101,000, and the last year 105,000. In short, about one-third of the voters did not use their right. Of course, a variety of causes are to be supposed for this. A large number of voters always will be missing. But for so remarkable a result it is natural to presume that there was some prevailing reason, and I suppose there is no doubt that that to which I have adverted had a very material operation. Once more : There is a large and all-important class of enemies of slavery beyond the borders of the free States. In the Lexington district of Kentucky, it is well known that there lives one of its foes, who bears “ a name to conjure with;” and from the city of Louisville a newspaper is sent abroad, within and to the South and East of that State, devoted to the doctrines of freedom, conducted with singular talent and right feeling, and exerting a sensible and extensive influence. A governor of Virginia, not long ago, proposed to his le- gisture the enactment of a law giving to the respective counties the power to expel free colored people beyond their limits. The non-slaveholding farmers, west of the Blue Ridge, thanked him “ for teaching them that word.” They did not approve the particular application recommended of this new principle in legislation; but already there is much speculation about a State law, authoriz
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