17 1 high places. Here is a confession by a newspaper in Mississippi: “The moral atmosphere in our State appears to be in a deleterious and sanguinary condition. Almost every exchange paper which reaches us, contains some inhuman and revolting case of murder or death by violence. ’ ’—Grand Gulf Advertiser, 21th June, 1837. Here is another confession by a newspaper in New Orleans : “ In view of the crimes which are daily committed, we are led to inquire whether it is owing to the inefficiency of our laws, or to the manner in which these laws are administered, that this frightful deluge of human blood flows through our streets-and our places of public resort.”—New Orleans Bee, 23d May, 1838. And here is testimony of a different character: “No one who has not bedn an integral part of a slave- holding community can have any idea of its abominations. It is a whited sepulchre, full of dead men’s bones and allun- cleanness.” These are the words of a Southern lady, the daughter of the accomplished Judge Grimke of South Carolina. A catalogue of affrays between politicians, commonly known as “street lights”—I use the phrase which comes from the land of Slavery— would show that these authorities were not mistaken. That famous Dutch picture, admired particularly by a successful engraving, and called the Knife-fight, presents a scene less revolting than one of these. Two or more men, armed to the teeth, meet in the streets, at a court-house or a tavern, shoot at each other with revolvers, then gash each other with knives, close, and roll upon the ground, covered with dirt and blood, struggling and stabbing till death, prostration, or surrender, puts an end to the conflict. Each instance tells a shameful story, and cries out against the social system which can tolerate such Barbarism. A catalogue of duels in our country would testify again to the reckless disregard of life where Slavery exists, and would exhibit Violence flaunting in the garb of Honor, and prating of a barbarous code disowned equally by reason and religion. But you have already supped too full of horrors, and I hasten on. Pardon me if I stop for one moment to exhibit and denounce the Duel. I do it only because it belongs to the brood of Slavery. An enlightened Civilization has long ago rejected this relic of Barbarism, and never has one part of the argument against it been put more sen- tentiously than by Franklin: “ A duel decides nothing,” said this patriot philosopher, “ and the person appealing to it makes himself judge in Ins own cause, condemns the offender without a jury, and undertakes himself to be the executioner.” To these emphatic words I would add two brief propositions, which, if practically adopted, make the Duel impossible—first, that the acknowledgment of wrong with apology or explanation can never be otherwise than honorable; and, secondly, that, in the absence of all such acknowledgment, no wrong can ever be repaired by a gladiatorial contest, where brute force, or skill, or chance, must dehood, youth, and manhood, even unto age—unable while at home to escape these influences, overshadowed constantly by the portentous Barbarism about him, the Slave-master naturally adopts the bludgeon, the revolver, and the bowie-knife. Through these he governs his plantation, and secretly armed with these he enters the world. These are his congenial companions. To wear these is his pride; to use them becomes a passion, almost a necessity. Nothing contributes to violence so much as the wearing of the instruments of violence, thus having them always at hand to obey the lawless instincts of Jhe individual. A barbarous standard is established; a duel is not dishonorable ; a contest peculiar to our Slave-masters, known as a “street fight,” is not shameful; and modern imitators of Cain have a mark set upon them, not for reproach and condemnation, but for compliment and approval. I wish to keep within bounds; but unanswerable facts, accumulating in fearful quantities, attest that the social system, so much vaunted by honorable Senators, and which we are now asked to sanction and to extend, takes its character from this spirit, and with professions of Christianity on the lips, becomes Cain like. And this is aggravated by the prevailing ignorance in the Slave States, where one in twelve of the adult white population is unable to read and -write. The boldest they who least partake tho light, As game cocks in the dark aro trained to fight. Of course there are exceptions, which we all gladly recognise, but it is this spirit which predominates and gives the social law. And here mark an important difference. Elsewhere violence shows itself in spite of law, whether social or statute; in the Slave States it is because of law both social and statute. Elsewhere it is pursued and condemned; in the Slave States it is adopted and honored. Elsewhere it is hunted as a crime; in the Slave States it takes its place among the honorable graces of society. Let not these harsh statements stand on my authority. Listen to the testimony of two Governors of Slave States in their messages to the Legislatures: “ We long to see the day,” said the Governor of Kentucky in 1837, “ when the law will assort its majesty, and stop the wanton destruction of life which almost daily occurs within the jurisdiction of the Commonwealth. Mm slaughter each other irnth almost perfect impunity. A species of common law has grown up in Kentucky, which, were it written down, would, in all civilized countries, cause it to be rechristened, in derision, the land of blood." Such was the official confession of a Slavemaster Governor of Kentucky. And here is the official confession made the same year by the Slave-master Governor or Alabama: “ We hear of homicides in different parts of the State continually, and yet have few convictions, and still fewer executions I Why do we hear of stabbings and shootings almost daily in some part or other of our State ? ” A land of blood! Stabbings and shootings almost daily I Such is the official language. It was natural that contemporary newspapers should repeat what thus found utterance in
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