21 ■y the Governor to expel from its territory said agent, after due notice to depart,” and nising “ to sustain the Executive authority uy measures it may adopt for the purposes esaid.” eanwhile the fever raged in Charleston, agent of Massachusetts was first accosted je street by a person unknown to him, who, rishing a bludgeon in his hand—the blud- i always shows itself where Slavery s in stion—cried out, “ you had better be travel- , and the sooner the better for you, I can you ; if you stay here until to-morrow morn- you will feel something you will not like, thinking.” Next came threats of an attack ng the following night on the Hotel in jh he was lodged ; then a request from the lord that he should quit, in order to pre- e the Hotel itself from the impending dan- of an infuriate mob ; then a committee of e-masters, who politely proposed to con- him to the boat. Thus arrested in his )le errand of good will, this venerable pub- ervant, whose appearance alone—like that ie “ grave and pious man ” mentioned by fil—would have softened any mob not in- ?d by Slavery, yielded to the ejectment pro- fl—precisely as the prisoner yields to the ers of the law—and left Charleston, while rson in the crowd was heard to offer him- as “ the leader of a tar-and-feather gang 3 called into the service of the city on the sion.” Nor is this all? The Legislature a ad time “ caught ” the fever, and, yielding to jfluence, passed another statute, forbidding 3r severe penalties any person within the 3 from accepting a commission to befriend 3. colored mariners, and under penalties cer still, extending even to imprisonment ife, prohibiting any -person “ on his own >lf or by virtue of any authority, from any 3 ” to come within South Carolina for this ose ; and then, to complete its work, the Mature took away the writ of habeas carpus all such mariners. rch is a simple narrative founded on au- tic documents. I do not adduce it now criticism, but simply to enroll it in all its as—beginning with the earliest pretension outh Carolina, continuing in violence, and ng in yet other pretensions—among the ial instances where the Barbarism of Slave- tands confessed even in official conduct, yet this transaction, which may well give to h Carolina the character of a shore “ where wrecked mariners dread to land,” has been Ely vindicated in all its details from begin- to end by both the Senators from that 3, while one of them, [Mr. Hammond,] in same breath, has borne his testimony from onal knowledge to the character of the ic agent thus maltreated, saying, “ he was a sant, kind, old gentleman, and I had a sort dendship for him during the short time I rear him in Congress.” Thus, sir, whether we look at individuals or at the community where Slavery exists, at lawless outbreaks or at official conduct, Slavemasters are always the same. Enough, you will say, has been said. Yes; enough to expose Slavery, but not enough for Truth. The most instructive and most grievous part still remains. It is the exhibition of Slave-masters in1 Congressional history. Of course, the representative reflects the character as well as the political opinions of the constituents whose will it is his boast to obey. It follows that the passions and habits of Slave-masters are naturally represented in Congress—chastened to a certain extent, perhaps, by the requirements of Parliamentary Law, but breaking out in fearful examples. And here, again, facts shall speak, as nothing else can. In proceeding with this duty, to which, as you will perceive, I am impelled by the positive requirements of this debate, I crave the indulgence of the Senate, while, avoiding all allusions to private life or private character, and touching simply what is of record, and already “ enrolled in the Capitol,” I present a few only of many instances, which, especially during these latter days, since Slavery has become paramount, have taken their place in our national history. Here is an instance. On the 15th February, 1837, R. M. Whithey was arraigned before the House of Representatives for contempt, in refusing to attend, when required, before a Committee of investigation into the administration of the Executive office. His excuse was, that he could not attend without exposing himself thereby to outrage and violence in the committee room; and on examination at the bar of the House, Mr. Fairfield, a member of the Committee, afterwards a member of this body, and Governor of Maine, testified to the actual facts. It appeared that Mr. Peyton, a Slavemaster from Tennessee, and a member of the Committee, regarding a certain answer in writing by Mr. Whitney to an interrogatory propounded by him as offensive, broke out in these words : “ Mr. Chairman, I wish you to inform this witness, that he is not to insult me in his answers; if he does, God damn him ! I will take his life on the spot I ” The witness, rising, claimed-the protection of the Committee ; on which Mr. Peyton exclaimed: “ God damn you, you shan’t speak; you shan’t say one word while you are in this room ; if you do, I will put you to death.” Mr. Wise, another Slave-master from Virginia, Chairman of the Committee, and latterly Governor of Virginia, then intervened, saying, “Yes, this damned insolence is insufferable.” Soon after, Mr. Peyton, observing that the witness was looking at him, cried out, “ Damn him, his eyes are on me—God damn him, he is looking at me—he shan’t do it—damn him, he shan’t look at me.”. These things, and much more, disclosed b
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