23 could not be severe except by violating the rules of debate ; not knowing that there is a serener power than any found in personalities, and that all severity which transcends the rules of debate, becomes disgusting a's the talk of Yahoos, and harms him only who degrades himself to be its mouth-piece. Of course, on such occasions, the cause of Slavery, amidst all seeming triumphs, has lost, and Truth has gained. It was against John Quincy Adams that this violence was first directed in full force. To a character spotless as snow, and to universal attainments as a scholar, this illustrious citizen added experience in all the eminent posts of the Republic, which he had filled with an ability and integrity, now admitted even by his enemies, and which impartial history cannot forget. Having been President of the United States, he entered the Honse of Representatives at the period when the Slave Question in its revival first began to occupy the public attention. In all the completeness of his nature, he became the representative of Human Freedom. The first struggle occurred on the right of petition, which Slave masters, with characteristic tyranny, sought to suppress. This was resisted by the venerable patriot, and what he did was always done with his whole heart. Then was poured upon him abuse as from a cart. Slave-masters, “ foaming out their shame,” became conspicuous, not less for an avowal of sentiments at which Civilization blushed, than for an effrontery of manner where the accidental legislator was lost in the natural overseer, and the lash of the plantation resounded in the voice. In an address to his constituents, 17th September, 1842, Mr. Adams thus frankly describes the treatment he had experienced: “ I never can take part in any debate upon an important subject, be it only uppn a mere abstraction, but a pack opens upon me of personal invective in return, Language has no word of reproach and railing that is not hurled at me.” And in the same speech he gives a glimpse of Slave masters: “ Where the South cannot effect her object by brow-beating, she wheedles.” On another occasion he said, with his accustomed power: “ Insult, bullying, and threat, characterize the Slaveholders in Congress ; talk, timidity, and submission, the Representatives from the Free States.” Nor were the Slave-masters contented with the violence of words. True to the instincts of Slavery, they threatened personal indignity of every kind, and even assassination. And’here South Carolina naturally took the lead. The Charleston Mercury, which always speaks the true voice of Slavery, said in 1837 : “ Public opinion in the South would now, we are sure, justify an immediate resort to force by the Southern delegation, even m the floor of Congress, were they forthwith to seize and drag from the Hall any man who dared to insult them, as that eccentric old showman, John Quincy Adams, has dared to do.” And at a public dinner at Waiterborough, lent. These declarations have all been made i open Senate, without any check from the hair. Of course, they are clear violations of ie first principles of Parliamentary Law, and md directly to provoke a violation of the law f the land. All duels are prohibited by solemn ct of Congress. (See Statutes at Large, vol. , page 318, February 20, 1839.) In case of eath, the surviving parties are declared guilty f felony, to be punished by hard labor in the enitentiary; and, even where nothing has ccurred beyond the challenge, all the parties ) it, whether givers or receivers, are declared uilty of high crime and misdemeanor, also to e punished by hard labor in the penitentiary. >f course, every menace of a duel in Congress 3ts this law at defiance. And yet the Sena- >rs, who thus openly disregard a law sanc- oned by the Constitution and commended by lorality, presume to complain on this floor be- ause other Senators disregard the Fugitive ilave Bill, a statute which, according to the rofound convictions of large numbers, is as nconstitutional as it is offensive to the moral ense. Let Senators who are so clamorous for the enforcement of laws,” begin by enforcing se statute which declares the Duel to be a dony. At least, let the statute cease to be a ead letter in this Chamber. But this is too such to expect while Slavery prevails here, jr the Duel is a part of that System of Vio- jnce which has its origin in Slavery. But it is when aroused by the Slave Ques- ion in Congress that Slave-masters have most fuly shown themselves; and here again I shall peak only of what has already passed into his- jry. Even in that earliest debate, in the First Congress after the Constitution, on the memorial f Dr. Franklin, simply calling upon Congress : to step to the verge of it?, powers to discourage very species of traffic in our fellow-men,” the -ave-masters became angry, indulged in sneers t “the men in the gallery,” being Quakers nd Abolitionists, vnd, according to the faith- iil historian, Hildreth, poured out “ torrents f abuse,” while one of them began the charge u often since directed against all Anti-Slavery nen, by declaring his astonishment that Dr. ranklin had “ given countenance to an appli- ation which called upon Congress, in explicit erms, to break a solemn compact tq which he iad himself been a party,” when it was obvious hat Dr. Franklin had done no such thing.’ Ibis great man was soon summoned away by leath, but not until he had fastened upon this lebate an undying condemnation, by portray- ng, with his matchless pen, a scene in the Di- 'an at Algiers, where a corsair Slave-dealer, nsisting upon the enslavement of White Chris- ians, is made to repeat the Congressional ,peech of an American Slave-master. But these displays of Violence have natural- y increased with the intensity of the discus- ion. Impelled to be severe, but with little appreciation of the finer forms of debate, they
RkJQdWJsaXNoZXIy MTM4ODY=