26 ognising its wrong, were at once liberated from its pernicious influences, while the latter, upholding it as right and “ ennobling,” must naturally draw from it motives of conduct. The first, conscious of the character of Slavery, were not misled by it; the second, dwelling in unconsciousness of its true character, surrender blindly to its barbarous tendencies, and, verifying the words of the poet, -- u So perfect is their misery. Not once perceive their foul disfigurement, ' But boast themselves more comely than before.” Mr. President, it is .time to close this branch of the argument. The Barbarism of Slavery has been now exposed, first, in the Law of Slavery, with its five pretensions, founded on the assertion of property in man, the denial of the conjugal relation, the infraction of the parental relation, the exclusion from knowledge, and the robbery of the fruits.of another’s labor, all these having the single object of compelling men to work without wages, while its Barbarism was still further attested by tracing the law in its origin to barbarous Africa; and secondly, it has been exposed in a careful examination of the economical results of Slavery, illustrated by a contrast between the Free States and the Slave States, sustained by official figures. From this exposure of Slavery, I proceeded to consider its influences on Slavemasters ; whose true character stands confessed, first, in the Law of Slavery which is their work; next, in the relations between them and their slaves, maintained by three inhuman instruments ; next, in their relations with each other, and with society, and here we have seen them at home under the immediate influence of Slavery— also in the communities of which they are a part—practicing violence, and pushing it everywhere, in street fight and duel; especially raging against all who question the pretensions of Slavery; entering even into the Free States; but not in lawless outbreaks only; also in official acts, as of Georgia and of South Carolina, with regard to two- Massachusetts citizens ; and then, ascending in audacity, entering the' Halls of Congress, where they have raged as at home, against all who set themselves against their assumptions, while the whole gloomy array of unquestionable facts has been closed by portraying the melancholy un- consciousnes which constitutes one of the distinctive features of this Barbarism. Such is my answer to the assumption of fact in behalf of Slavery by Senators on the other side. But before passing to that other assumption of constitutional law, which constitutes the second branch of this‘discussion, I add testimony to the influence of Slavery on Slavemasters in other countries, which is too important to be neglected, and may properly find a place here. Among those who have done most to press forward in Russia that sublime act of emanciDC pation by which the present Emperor is'win-«m ning lustre, not only for his own country, but ^su for our age, is M. Tourgueneff. Originally a to Slave-master himself, with numerous slaves, and residing where Slavery prevailed, he saw, w! with the instincts of a noble character, the it essential Barbarism of this relation, and in an it elaborate work on Russia, which is now before or me, he exposed it with rare ability and courage, it: Thus he speaks of its influence on Slave- m masters: th “ But if Slavery degrades the slave, it degrades more the m master. This is an old adage, and long observations have proved to me that this adage is not a paradox. In fact, how can that man respect his own dignity, his own rights, who hits learned not to respect either the rights or the dignity of tO his fellow-man? What control can the moral and religious, t i„ sentiments hare over a man who sees himself invested with" a power so eminently contrary to morals and religion ? The continual exercise of an unjust claim, eren when it is mod- fg erated, finishes by corrupting the character of the man, and j; spoiling his judgment. * * * The possession of a slave being the result of injustice, the relations of the master with di the slave cannot be otherwise than a succession of injustices. k. Among good masters, (and it is agreed to call so those who 1 do not abuse their power as much as they might,) these re- iations are clothed with forms less repugnant than among If others; but here the difference stops. Who could remain ri always pure, when carried away by his disposition, excited by his temper, drawn by caprice, he can with impunity p oppress, insult, humiliate his fellows. And, let it be carefully remarked, that intelligence, civilization, do not avail. The -p enlightened man, the civilized man, is none the less a man ; A that he should not oppress, it is necessary that it should be tl impossible for him to oppress. All mon cannot, like Louis c XIV, throw their stick from the window, when they feel a ° desire to strike.”—La Russie et Les Russes, vol. II, pages 21 157-’8. a Another authority, unimpeachable at all el points, whose fortune it has been, from exten- T sive travels, to see Slavery in the most various p forms, and Slave-masters under the most vari-' tl ous conditions—I refer to the great African ti traveller, Dr. Livingstone—thus touches the character of Slave-masters: I “ I can never cease to be unfeignedfy thankful that I was 8 not born in a land of slaves. No one can understand the un- i utterable meanness of the slave system on the minds of those who, but for the strange obliquity which prevents them H from feeling the degradation of not being gentlemen enough to a pay for services rendered, would be equal in virtue to our- ‘ selves. Fraud becomes as natural to them 1 as paying one’s ® way ’ is to the rest of mankind. ’ ’—Livingstones Travels, chap. t II, page 33. Thus does the experience of Slavery in ( other countries confirm the sad experience c among us. I } i Second Assumption.—Discarding now all : the presumptuous boasts for Slavery, and bear- ] ing in mind its essential Barbarism, I come • j to consider that second assumption of Sen- i ators on the other side, which is, of course, { inspired by the first, even if not its immediate j consequence, t" at, under the Constitution, Slave- < masters may take their slaves into the national ; Territories, and there continue to hold them, as j at home in the Slave States; and that this i would be the case in any territory newly acquired, by purchase or by war, as of Mexico i on the South or Canada on the North. And here I begin by the remark, that as the assumption of constitutional law is inspired by the assumption of fact with regard to the “ en-
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