n 33 y 4*93^ distinctions and advantages are in the shape of hereditary titles of nobility, and some- times in that of corporate monopolies. In either case the departure from equal privilege is manifest. If we look at all past history, we shall find the principle of creating distinctions among men—of taking some of the rights of the Many and giving them to the Few—constantly at work. There is no government that has ever appeared on the face of the globe but has had more or less of this m its character. From the feudal system downward to the hereditary nobility of the present day, the proof may be found. Indeed the whole current of the past is filled with evidences that the aristocratic principle has sought and held empire. A faithful historian has recorded the following words : “ The period from the downfall of the Roman empire to the establishment of the Con- stitution of the United States, may be called by way of distinction, the time of privileges, blmost every thing being done by special privileges and grants; common rights aris sing from citizenship being hardly recognized.” The existence of a privileged class, and a now-privileged class, constitutes the essential feature of an aristocratic government. The moment that any partiality is shown among the citizens, that moment a departure is made from the principles of a good poll- ticaf faith. It is this which renders the existence of great Chartered Money Institutions aristocratic, and dangerous in their tendencies. By this no disparagement is intended to ordinary banking, as will be hereafter shown. The true genius of the two great political parties. The aristocratic or modern whig party, is the party which recognizes the right to grant exclusive privileges. The democratic party deny the natural right of the government to grant special rights to a few. They demand as a vital, all-essential condition in iheir political creed, that of equal legislation and equal rights. They go still farther, and say that great Money Corporations are not safe for the nation. The aristocratic or federal party hold that it is not only safe to grant charters fur exclusive privileges, but that it is politic to do so. Hence their eeaseless struggle to get up a National Bank, which the democracy as ceaselessly oppose. Stripped of all the false coloring of party-pleading, this is the true state of the case. No candid, well informed man will deny it; and if we trace the various measures of-the two parties up to iheir respective sources, we shall find them tinctured throughout with the oneor the other of these sentiments. We have said that the aristocratic idea has always been at its evil work in our world, elevating the Few at the expense of the Many. Up to the time of the adoption of the American Constitution it was supposed that men could not govern themselves by laws of their own making, and officers of their own choosing. This theory seemed to be the only one generally admitted, and on this principle governments were administered;—the fruits whereof have been blood and bitterness. In the fulness of time American Independence was wrought out by the stern courage of our Revolutionary sires. Their blood and sufferings and sweat cemented the foundation stones on which we may hope shall safely repose for centuries to come the temple of freedom; Federalism to have been expected. We have thus hastily seen that the aristocratic idea pervaded the earth until the Ames rican Independence. This having been achieved, a new government was to be formed. As if inspired by Heaven, a Constitution of unsurpassed excellence was formed by the patriots of that day. The amazing wonder is how that at that early period such consummate wisdom was displayed on the great political charter before them. But so it was. The constitution once adopted, new and appalling difficulties met the democracy. There were great and influential men in those days who—though lovers of their country —were possessed of the aristocratic idea. These men were the federalists of that pe-t riod, and in various ways endeavored to “ strengthen the Government” as they called it; meaning by this to remove power from the mass of the people to the hands of the rich and exclusive. This was all perfectly natural—perfectly in harmony with human nature. It could not be expected that all those men should at once cast off all their prejudices for aristocracy which they had learned in thb old world. The federalists thus came honestly and naturally by their federalism. Their principles were transmitted to their descendants, with such modifications as circumstances demanded. But the real genius of aristocracy—to wit, the. existence of a privileged and a non-privileged class, was not changed. It was, it is, it ever will be, the spirit oi federalism. The modern whigs—those of 1840—have the same principle as their leading motive. The form which Aristocracy assumes at this time. By the Constitution, no patent of nobility can be issued. The far-seeing men who framed our national charter, knowing that ambitious men would be the same in all •■i: .30. L
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