Cedars, October 2019

October 2019 6 OFF-CAMPUS ‘Liberate Hong Kong: Revolution of our Time’ How the protests started, where they’re going, and what they’re all about S ome wear masks to protect their identities; some gather behind um- brellas, a Hong Kong symbol of protest; others don gas masks to defend themselves against tear gas used by police. They, along with reportedly millions of others in Hong Kong, have been protesting the increasing interference of the Chinese government in the island’s affairs for the past four months. The protests began in June, after a piece of legislation was introduced in re- sponse to a criminal dispute: a Hong Kong man killed his girlfriend while the two were vacationing in Taiwan. However, he could not be sent back to Taiwan to stand trial because there is no formal extradition treaty between Hong Kong and Taiwan. The proposed bill would introduce terms for bilateral extradition with any country Hong Kong does not currently have an ex- tradition agreement with — including not only Taiwan, but mainland China. The historical relationship between China and Hong Kong is, to say the least, complicated. China leased the island to the United Kingdom in 1898 after being de- feated in the decades-long Opium Wars. The island was returned to Chinese gover- nance in 1997 under a “one country, two systems” model: Hong Kong would remain a part of China, under Chinese sovereign- ty, but retain some freedom from the main- land in their political, judicial, education and economic systems. International studies professor Dr. Kyung-hwa (Christine) Kim described the “one country, two systems” model as a “dor- mant volcano.” As of this month, it’s no longer dormant. On Tuesday, Oct. 1, police shot an 18-year-old protester in the shoul- der after reportedly being assaulted at close quarters. This was the first time live bullets have been used since the protests began. Both sides participated in some of the most vio- lent and sustained clashes since the protests began. More than 180 people were arrested. Hong Kong has long been discontent under China’s authority; the current pro- tests are far from the first time the volca- no has erupted. In 2014, pro-democracy demonstrations swept the island in what came to be called the Umbrella Revolution. These were sparked by China’s announce- ment that the government’s promise of universal suffrage by 2017 would come with a few caveats: only a few heavily vetted (pro-Beijing) candidates would be permit- ted to run as Chief Executive, the leader of the Hong Kong government. The so-called “revolution,” however, came to little fruition. The protests petered out, several leaders were arrested and re- strictions on speech and activism have only tightened. Since then, a pro-independence political party has been banned, anti-Bei- jing legislators have been exiled and there are rumors that outspoken publishers have gone missing. February’s extradition bill was the final straw. One scholar called it the “death knell” of the “one country, two systems” model. Protesters fear that the bill would allow Chi- na to demand the extradition of any who express dissent against the mainland gov- ernment to be prosecuted under Beijing’s opaque judicial system rather than Hong Kong’s common law court. However, this story comes with a twist: in early September, Hong Kong Chief Ex- ecutive Carrie Lam announced that the ex- tradition bill was “dead.” The government canceled the legislation in one of the most significant public retractions of the Chi- nese government since Xi Jinping took of- fice as president. Yet more than four months later, protesters still swarm the streets of Hong Kong. Why? Because extradition was just one domino in what many Hong Kongers see as a long chain of the erosion of de- mocracy on their island. Because increas- ing clashes with police have amplified the demonstrators’ frustration. And because ultimately, the protests were only partly directed at the Chinese government. According to international studies professor Dr. Glen Duerr, this was a stra- tegic move on the part of Hong Kong ac- tivists in response to the lessons of the Umbrella Revolution. Since 2014, protest leaders have become increasingly strategic in where, when, and how they target their protests. They’ve focused their efforts on gain- ing sympathy not in mainland China, where the “Great Firewall” either omits or alters their message, but in the inter- national community. They pause for 9/11; they wave the American flag and the Union Jack; they target the international airport; they sing “Do You Hear the People Sing” from Les Miserables, a song banned from Chinese music streaming services for its revolutionary message. “One of the big mistakes [in the Um- brella Revolution] was that ... broadcasting where you’re going to protest allowed the Chinese authorities to catch up with the Umbrella Revolution,” Duerr said. “What they do [now] is a lot of pop-up protests. They’ll show up unexpectedly to areas and have a protest over the extradition. It draws in all kinds of international viewers, and not a lot of it gets to mainland China because of the Great Firewall.” By emphasizing the broader erosion of