Channels, Fall 2018

Page 70 Mach • Before Vietnam While the US was firmly committed in Japan by 1948-49, the same could not be said for the US in Vietnam. The French, still engaged in war against Ho Chi Minh and the Vietminh, continually appealed for US support in Vietnam. Minh claimed his government to be “the only legitimate government throughout Indochina,” which made the French appear as evil imperialists. Non-communist national groups failed to unite the Vietnamese as effectively as Minh, resulting in the massive support for the Vietminh. Where non-communist groups failed, Minh succeeded, broadening his message to include those who wanted to be free from French influence and not just communist sympathizers. Moreover, the French treatment of the Indochinese in the immediate post-war period pushed many inhabitants from “nonviolent reformism to advocacy of radical revolution.” Although Ho painted the French as imperialists, French leaders saw Minh and his Vietminh as a roadblock to their goals for the region, not a legitimate threat to French sovereignty. The potential connection to Communism, however, did concern many. French officials remained convinced that the Vietnamese nationalists under Minh were using nationalism as a guise for Soviet-inspired Communism in Indochina, although corroborating evidence for such claims was lacking at the time. Such a claim, no doubt, weighed on the mind of Truman and his advisors. Could they allow a genuine Communist threat, even a non-Soviet Communist threat, to grow in an Allied controlled colony? With the French requesting for assistance notwithstanding, the US continued to be hesitant and nonreactive. It was clear that Truman wanted the Vietnam problem to remain a French issue, though the potential communist threat made complete non-involvement nearly impossible. Further muddling the situation, the American Ambassador in France, Jefferson Caffrey, wrote to the Secretary of State in 1947. Caffrey, a highly respected diplomat, reminded the Secretary of “Ho’s long and prominent connection with world Communism,” which slowly came to the attention of the French. If Minh did succeed, which Caffrey considered a high possibility, Vietnam would certainly become Communist. The French were fighting a battle destined for failure. History showed, he explained, “how [a] relatively small, but well-trained and determined, minority can take over power in an area where democratic traditions are weak.” Caffrey, along with persistent requests from the French government, presented Truman with an ultimatum: either assist the French and preserve the status quo, or see Vietnam fall to Communism while the French lose a valuable colony, severely damage US-French relations, and potentially threaten European recovery and security in Southeast Asia. As the 1940’s ended, the Truman administration faced a crisis in Southeast Asia, specifically in Vietnam. The US government needed to take a definitive position on the French efforts in Vietnam; it could no longer remain “neutral.” Whatever the US decided to do, it would differ greatly from the approach it took with the Dutch in Indonesia. From 1945-1949, US policy used a hardline approach toward Dutch Indonesia by attempting to force the Dutch out of their colonial holding. The US government pressed the Dutch on multiple occasions, even threatening to pull financial aid for the Netherlands if they refused to work toward independence in Indonesia. Communism did not threaten Indonesia as it did Vietnam, which allowed the US to push the Dutch harder toward independence. Allied officials did not need to worry about a free Indonesia becoming Communist because Communism did not have a foothold in the country. Most importantly, the Netherlands