Musical Offerings Soli Deo Gloria An Undergraduate Journal of Musicology Spring 2025 Volume 16, Number 1
Editor-in-Chief Sandra S. Yang, Ph.D. Professor of Music History, Cedarville University Associate Editor Kathryn P. Carnegis Digital Commons Director, Cedarville University M.B.A., Wright State University Assistant Editors Phillipa Burgess, Ph.D. Adjunct Professor, Sinclair Community College Managing Editor Tricia Clark, B.A. Library Digital Services Specialist, Cedarville University Copy Editor Jacy A. Cina B.A. Music, Cedarville University Student Editors Allison Renner B.M. Student, Keyboard Pedagogy, Cedarville University Jayda Archer B.M.E Student, Music Education, Cedarville University On the cover: Rouget de L’Isle chantant “La Marseillaise,” painted by Isidore Pils in 1849. In the painting, Claude-Joseph Rouget de L’Isle, the composer of the French national anthem “La Marseillaise,” sings his composition. Pils’s painting eventually became a staple of the republican imagery of the Revolution. Musical Offerings is an online, open-access journal published by the Cedarville University Department of Music and Worship. Since 2010, it has published articles in the fields of musicology, ethnomusicology, music history, and church music history. This journal is available in print as well as electronically through Cedarville’s institutional repository, DigitalCommons@Cedarville. ISSN 2167-3799 (Online) ISSN 2330-8206 (Print) http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/musicalofferings/
Contents Spring 2025 Volume 16, Number 1 The Opera Party: An Inquiry into the Politics of Opera in England during the 17th and 18th Centuries 1 Hannah Burkholder After Death, He Did Not Die: An Examination of Palestrina’s Continuing Legacy 13 Abigail Pahl The Unifying, Comforting, and Organizational Power of Music in the American and French Revolutions 27 Allison Renner
Musical Offerings ⦁ 2025 ⦁ Volume 16 ⦁ Number 1 1 Musical Offerings 16, no. 1 (2025): 1–12 ISSN 2330-8206 (print); ISSN 2167-3799 (online) © 2025, Hannah Burkholder, licensed under CC BY-NC-ND (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/) The Opera Party: An Inquiry into the Politics of Opera in England during the 17th and 18th Centuries Hannah Carmichael Burkholder Cedarville University olitics–a topic that some are excited to embrace while others dread yet another discussion on the many views that can be held on a myriad of issues. Regardless of one’s opinion on the matter, politics have the power to encroach upon every aspect of our lives; and although governmental policies and current events may seem unrelated to fields such as music and theater, they are very much intertwined in the entertainment we enjoy. Considering the history of opera, the methods and intentions of composers, and the political status of Great Britain during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, this paper seeks to prove that composers in London during this period, especially Handel, composed with the intention of making political statements. The Development of Opera and Its Arrival in England During the Renaissance in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, different developments in the dramatic music of France, Italy, and England led to the eventual birth of opera.1 The French ballet, Italian mascarade, and English masque were three dance genres that contributed to the formation of opera through their use of allegory and satire to tell a story using music.2 However, Italy was the true center for the evolution of opera. Italian pastorales, madrigal comedies, and intermedio were instrumental in bringing opera into existence. Pastorales were poems 1 Grout, 21. 2 Grout, 23–24. P
2 Burkholder ⦁ Opera Party with a plot that could be read or performed. Due to their thematic material that revolved around the shepherding lifestyle, pastorales utilized scenery depicting luscious landscapes.3 In addition, madrigal comedies which consisted of groups of songs that had comedic themes and attempted to tell a dramatic story were another Italian genre that preceded opera.4 Although Donald Grout wrote in A Short History of Opera that “their chief usefulness may have been to prove that madrigals alone were not suitable for dramatic purposes,” madrigal comedies are still worth noting when discussing the history of opera.5 Finally, among these forerunners, the intermedio was the most similar to opera. These were plays that would employ instrumental music, solos, duets, or even choruses in their performances.6 The intermedio contributed to the marriage between music and drama, quite literally setting the stage for the onset of opera. The only difference between the two genres was that in the intermedio dialogue was still spoken, unlike in operas which were entirely sung.7 The opera genre was a direct result of these preceding dance and dramatic genres, and the characteristics of opera can be traced back to the practices they employed. Opera in its very nature had potential as a useful political tool because of the messages that could be communicated through drama and dialogue. Two developments that unarguably contributed to opera, and continue to do so, are the styles of recitative and arias. Besides borrowing from Greek mythology for thematic material, the opera genre also inherited the style of recitative from this culture. The Greeks established the original conventions of recitative, but it was revived by the Italians during the Renaissance. Research of the Greek method defines recitative by the following three rules. First, “the text must be clearly understood.” Second, “the words must be sung with correct and natural declamation;” and third, “[t]he melody must not depict mere graphic details in the text but must interpret the feeling of the whole passage.”8 Recitative would go on to replace the spoken dialogue of opera’s predecessors. In addition, the emergence of arias, strophic songs with free melody and simplified rhythms compared to other vocal works of the time “formed the necessary foundation for true dramatic music and thus made possible the 3 Grout, 29–30. 4 Grout, 32–33. 5 Grout, 33. 6 Grout, 24. 7 Grout, 27–29. 8 Grout, 35–36.
Musical Offerings ⦁ 2025 ⦁ Volume 16 ⦁ Number 1 3 creation of opera.”9 With the prerequisites of genre and style met, the arrival of opera was at hand, and its role in politics could begin. The earliest operas were composed in Italy where the genre flourished. Examples such as Rinuccini’s Dafne, Peri’s Euridice, and Caccini’s II rapimento di Cefalo explored opera’s early life.10 However, Claudio Monteverdi truly developed and mastered the craft with his first opera Orfeo.11 Grout claims that “Orfeo represents the first attempt to apply the full resources of the art of music to drama, unhampered by artificial limitations.”12 In other parts of Europe, opera was informed by national tastes. French opera spawned out of ballet, and English opera stemmed from the masque.13 Masques remained popular for a time because the British favored spoken dialogue to recitative.14 Nevertheless, when Italian opera was introduced in England, it prospered.15 This is what brought George Frideric Handel to London for the first time in 1710. Handel gained exposure to and experience in the Italian style as an instrumentalist and composer while in Hamburg, Germany and during his time spent in Italy. His opera Rinaldo was the first Italian opera written specifically for the London stage. Two years after its premiere, he moved to England permanently, hence his close relationship with the British crown began.16 The details of Handel’s association with the monarchy and how this relationship led to the incorporation of politics in his operas will be further discussed. Politics Played a Part on the British Stage When investigating the presence and power of politics in British opera during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the methods and motivations of composers beg for attention. Due to marketability needs, composers had to be careful and creative with how their work could be construed as to not offend the crown and avoid censorship. Therefore, delicate crafting and sound reasoning were required for an intentional statement to be made. Tangible evidence by providing examples to both 9 Grout, 37. 10 Grout, 41–43. 11 Grout, 47–48. 12 Grout, 50–51. 13 Grout, 147. 14 Grout, 148–149. 15 Grout, 158. 16 Grout, 184–185.
4 Burkholder ⦁ Opera Party points is difficult to present; however, there are hints from history that can lead to an acceptable conclusion. The state of politics during this time, which will be addressed later, was a fragile one, so treading lightly was necessary for composers while constructing their pieces. Two points to consider in the observation of politics in opera are the composer’s intent behind what appeared on stage and how the audience understood the performance. Allegory was the principal device employed by writers of opera, as well as other genres of art, to convey meaning beyond what appeared. Within allegory, writers could still clearly communicate their intention by making witty yet straightforward connections to real life. Examples of this include changing the names of real people such as Lambert and Fleetwood to Bertlam and Woodfleet in The Rump (1660) or drawing parallels to French history in The Duke of Guise (1682).17 Although it is not an opera, Caius Marius (1679) by Thomas Otway serves as an example of an allegorical play that incorporated political overtones. It was set in Rome so that the similarities between the acts and true events would not be as obvious. Otway’s tragedy indirectly dealt with the controversial issue of banishment. The treatment of his characters communicated that this practice would only lead to further political turmoil.18 An operatic example of allegory is displayed in Albion and Albanius (1685) by John Dryden which expressed support for King Charles II in the outcome of the Exclusion Crisis.19 This crisis arose from Charles II’s failure to produce an heir and Parliament’s mission to exclude his younger brother James II from his right to the throne; however, Parliament was unsuccessful.20 Perhaps even more crucial than the composer's intention in determining the power of politics in opera is the interpretation made by the audience. An opera’s political innuendo would only be effective if an audience could interpret the true meaning. In his article entitled “The Politics of Opera in Late Seventeenth Century London,” Robert Hume argues that “differently conditioned readers will respond differently.”21 It is safe to say that the audience had little doubt as to what events Dryden alluded to in Albion and Albanius. However, an example of a misguided interpretation is that of Queen Mary II after watching The Spanish Fryar (1680). She believed that the mockery of the daughter’s character whose father had seized the throne was aimed towards her 17 Hume, 28–29. 18 Hume, 30. 19 Hume, 28. 20 Black, 6–8. 21 Hume, 32.
Musical Offerings ⦁ 2025 ⦁ Volume 16 ⦁ Number 1 5 untraditional ascension to power when this was highly unlikely.22 Because of potential assumptions, the application of art made by the public is not altogether true to the artist’s intent; but it is important to consider. With this understanding, coming to a firm conclusion regarding politics in opera becomes more complicated. In addition, the motivation of composers to involve politics in their works is a necessary consideration. Personal prejudices aside, there were professional incentives that influenced the political facet of opera. The British crown was highly influential in the commercialization of opera through the establishment and management of the Royal Academy of Music. Comparable to every composer of the day, Handel’s livelihood was provided through patrons; and the institution of the Royal Academy meant that this patronage came from the royal family.23 With this in mind, the motivation of an income was a major factor and played a role in the operas that were being written. Furthermore, composers did not write with short-term success in mind. They desired their operas to advance their career. This meant that artform itself took precedence and propaganda was secondary. There was a delicate balance between creating a long-living masterpiece and clueing the audience in on the work's relevance to current events. Besides fame and success, composers also had to consider the risk of being censored although they were allowed a degree of freedom to express controversial ideas.24 The right to cancel any performance, opera or otherwise, lay in the hands of the monarchy.25 However, the crown mostly refrained from enforcing its power in this area unless the subject matter was personally offensive to the royal family or the public’s response was especially undesirable.26 The discussion of the methods and motivations involved in the writing of opera in England during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, provides a rubric for how to analyze the existence and influence of politics in opera. There are, however, several hindrances to absolutely proving that British politics played into opera specifically during this time. The first is found in the previous examination of the composer’s intention and the audience's application. Since both are highly subjective, the possibility of political messages can be inferred but not proven. The argument has 22 Hume, 30–31. 23 McGeary, The Politics of Opera, 62. 24 Hume, 24. 25 McGeary, The Politics of Opera, 63. 26 Hume, 24.
6 Burkholder ⦁ Opera Party been made that when seeking to find a hidden ideology in a work, the assumption that there is one at all is unreasonable because although some operas could have included political opinions, does not mean that they all did.27 The only logical perspective for further investigation into the meaning behind the characters, settings, and events in British opera involves taking into account the political context, intent of the composition, and application of the public surrounding the writing and performance of it to determine the most probable explanation. Suzanne Aspden, author of “Ariadne’s Clew: Politics, Allegory, and Opera in London (1734),” wisely stated, “subsequent meanings need not be single, or even fully realized, to be present.”28 To apply the analysis of political messages in opera, the events surrounding Arianna in Nasso by Nicola Porpora and Arianna in Creta by Handel will be examined along with the opera pair itself. The evidence that the characters, setting, and circumstances within these operas align at multiple points with the state of the monarchy during this period requires an explanation; and I believe that explanation to be political. Political Status of Britain at the Time of Handel Just a few years after Handel began his career in London, King George I, the first of the Hanoverian line of kings, ascended the British throne in 1714.29 Handel had close ties to the Hanoverian crown, and the Ariadne operas mentioned above were released the same year as the marriage of Princess Anne to William IV of Orange in 1734. Figure 1 is included as a reference for the members of royalty that were affiliated with these two productions. At the same time, Parliament consisted of the Whig and Tory parties which opposed one another in state, foreign, and church policies from 1689–1715. The Tories were viewed as traitors because of their involvement in the negotiation of the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 which proved England disloyal to her allies by making peace with France. Because of this, the Whigs held a monopoly on power in the government for half a century, although disagreements within the party were prevalent. Thomas McGreary summarized their opposition best in his book The Politics of Handel’s Britain by stating, “Instead of party ideology, what existed was an administration party and an opposition; 27 Hume, 42. 28 Aspden, 762. 29 Langer, 469.
Musical Offerings ⦁ 2025 ⦁ Volume 16 ⦁ Number 1 7 politicians were motivated by family and regional connections, selfinterest, and the hopes of achieving political power.”30 Meanwhile, Robert Walpole, who served as prime minister from 1721– 1742, provided a sense of political stability.31 However, it is said that those who opposed Walpole often expressed their disapproval by means of satire and allegory that was performed at the Haymarket Theatre.32 This fact serves as evidence that politics were indeed incorporated into the entertainment of the day. At this point in history, British politics revolved around the Hanoverian line, Whig and Tory parties, and Prime Minister Walpole. This understanding is pertinent to the debate around the political influence on Handel’s and Porpora’s operas. Figure 1: Hanoverian Family Tree.33 Synopsis of the Musical Material in Handel’s Opera Before delving into the interpretation of these two operas, a summary of the musical content may help provide context for the discussion. 30 McGeary, The Politics of Opera, 8. 31 McGeary, The Politics of Opera, 9. 32 McGeary, The Politics of Opera, 11. 33 Langer, 469.
8 Burkholder ⦁ Opera Party Although both operas were written by notable composers, the music in Handel’s proves to be of significant interest. Donald Grout claimed that “Handel was not a revolutionist in opera; he accepted the forms he found but filled them with his own inimitable genius.”34 Arianna in Creta is no exception to this genius. A common characteristic of Handel’s operas was the establishment of a specific tonality that the audience hears throughout the entire performance. For this particular opera, D minor and major are the predominant tonalities.35 Per usual, these keys were firmly established during the overture, interspersed vaguely throughout the middle of the performance, and intentionally emphasized at the end.36 Suzanne Aspden suggests that these keys may be symbolic of “the opera's transition from tyranny to matrimony.”37 In addition, an interesting scene that appears in both operas and potentially has multiple interpretations is that of a ship in a harbor. One interpretation could be that this scene is symbolic of William IV’s arrival in England. This image appears at the end of the overture in Arianna in Creta; the setting along with the accompanying music serves to leave the audience intrigued as to what is to come.38 The details of the Ariadne operas and how they are related to the politics of the day will now be investigated. Dissection of the Ariadne Operas To see the relationship between opera and politics in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century England on display, two operas will be discussed and analyzed in detail. Arianna in Creta and Arianna in Nasso were both based on the same myth from Plutarch’s Lives and premiered in 1734.39 Porpora’s opera was produced by the company referred to as the Opera of the Nobility, a rival of Handel’s.40 These operas highlighted separate sections of the myth; however, both depict distinct similarities between the characters of Theseus and Ariadne and the marriage between William IV of Orange and Princess Anne.41 This suspicion can be somewhat confirmed by the fact that the royal family was itself divided over the 34 Grout, 188. 35 Grout, 190. 36 Grout, 190. 37 Aspden, 760. 38 Aspden, 760. 39 Aspden, 747. 40 McGeary, The Politics of Opera, 150. 41 Aspden, 756.
Musical Offerings ⦁ 2025 ⦁ Volume 16 ⦁ Number 1 9 matter as Prince Frederick, the Prince of Wales, attended and supported Arianna in Nasso and the king endorsed Handel’s opera.42 The royal wedding between Princess Anne and William IV was beneficial for Great Britain and her people. William IV was Prince of Orange, a Dutch title; and as part of the royal family through marriage, he became known for permanently ridding the country of Catholicism.43 In addition, the Dutch were an important ally against the French; and the union of the two monarchs meant the strengthening of the bond between the two countries.44 It was understood that the events surrounding the wedding and the two Ariadne operas were somehow associated with one another. In his Memoirs of the Reign of King George III, Lord Hervey makes no separation when discussing the marriage of the Prince to the Princess and the rivaling operas, implying that there should be no distinction.45 This alone is reason enough to inquire into the relationship of the newlyweds to what was appearing on the opera stage that very season. Although both operas are based on the same myth, they retell separate parts of the story with the only shared character being Theseus.46 Handel recounts when Theseus faces the Minotaur to save the Athenians and the Cretans in Arianna in Creta, and Porpora narrates the tale of when Theseus abandons his love Ariadne on Naxos in Arianna in Nasso.47 Although the two retellings of the myth highlight different sections of its timeline, the similarities between their plots and the marriage of William IV and Anne are said to be “several and obvious.”48 The parallels between the Ariadne operas and the political happenings in England during that time are not difficult to uncover. First, the detail that both Crete and England are islands and naval superpowers of their time is a likeness that is at least worth acknowledging. Fortunately, a similar setting is not the only commonality between real life and what played out on stage. Next, the character of Theseus models the person of William IV (and his predecessor William III, for that matter) in that he delivered his people from the Minotaur and unified the country. Examples of what the monster could have signified are Catholicism or 42 Aspden, 746. 43 Aspden, 757. 44 Glover, 225–226. 45 Aspden, 737–740. 46 Aspden, 747. 47 Aspden, 746. 48 Aspden, 756.
10 Burkholder ⦁ Opera Party Prime Minister Walpole’s administrative actions such as the excise tax. This was because the nation at large was at risk from these threats. Finally, Ariadne was symbolic of Princess Anne as the love interest of the hero, and England in need of saving.49 The many parallels between the setting, characters, and circumstances of Arianna in Creta and Arianna in Nasso point to the allegorical intention of Handel and Porpora in connection to the royal wedding. Furthermore, the timing of the release of these two operas points to political involvement. Opera pairs were unusual; but when they occurred, it provided opportunity for opposing positions on a matter to be expressed.50 This is especially likely concerning the Ariadne operas due to their release during the same season and year as the marriage between Princess Anne and William IV, Prince of Orange. In addition, the public employed irony under the guise of praise for William to criticize King George II’s reign. This response opened the door for satire based on the royal wedding to infiltrate songs, literature, and plays. Both support and disapproval were expressed through these avenues, providing an occasion for the opera stage to host the same effect.51 Another affirmation of the political association with the Ariadne operas is proof of partisan involvement and the rivaling companies that produced them. Partisan involvement in the production of these operas was clearly insinuated in a pamphlet that came out the same year called Harmony in an Uproar: A Letter to F-d-k H-d. In this work, the author essentially puts Handel on trial for offending the Patriot party that was born from the Whigs and also criticizes the Opera of the Nobility, referred to as the “Mobility,” for basically yielding to the mob rule that countered Prime Minister Walpole.52 The implied affiliation of the Opera of the Nobility with the Patriot party supports the argument that Arianna in Nasso was influenced by the political stance of the British population. Partisan involvement can further be perceived in that Handel along with the Whigs was instrumental in popularizing opera in England.53 Both the composer and the party participated in the establishment of the Royal Academy of Music. This cooperation indicates Whig support for Arianna in Creta. However, besides the possible projection that William IV might abandon Anne and/or England just as Theseus did to Ariadne 49 Aspden, 756–757. 50 Aspden, 756. 51 Aspden, 754. 52 Aspden, 740–741. 53 McGeary, Opera and Politics, 304, 317.
Musical Offerings ⦁ 2025 ⦁ Volume 16 ⦁ Number 1 11 in Arianna in Nasso, there is no substantial evidence that the marriage between the two was subject to any specific criticism.54 Therefore, the partisan controversy surrounding the Ariadne operas and the marriage of William IV to Princess Anne seems merely due to the need for resistance against Whig power. Furthermore, the royal family was not excluded from taking sides in the rivaling productions. King George II and his wife Queen Caroline along with their daughter Anne, who was a student of Handel’s, were staunch supporters of the great composer. In the book Handel in London by Jane Glover, Lord Hervey, a close ally of the Queen, is quoted to have said that “[a]n anti-Handelist was looked upon as an anti-courtier, and voting against the Court in Parliament was hardly a less remissible or more venial sin than speaking against Handel or going to the Lincoln’s Inn Fields Opera.”55 This implies that to oppose Handel was to oppose the British crown. These are strong words regarding the relationship of Handel to his king and queen making it impossible for him to compose without their approval in mind. In addition, Handel was asked to present his anthem “This Is the Day” on Anne’s wedding day. The direct involvement of Handel in the ceremony and his loyalty to King George II and Queen Caroline are sufficient clues that his opera was an allegory representing the union of Princess Anne and William IV. It is evident that the majority of the royal family greatly favored the composer and his work. However, their son Prince Frederick preferred the Opera of the Nobility. This bias only increased as he grew angry at the news of his sister’s betrothal since he believed that he should have been the first to marry as the eldest child.56 The involvement of the Patriot and Whig parties in the companies that presented the Ariadne operas and the expressed biases for either production within the royal family nearly settles the case of the political intent behind them. Conclusion After the examination of opera’s history, composers’ methods and motivations, and seventeenth- and eighteenth-century British politics, it is clear that opera and politics are interrelated. The inspection of the Ariadne operas serves as evidence that by means of allegory and satire composers include propaganda in their works, and this is only one 54 McGeary, The Politics of Opera, 168–169. 55 Glover, 224. 56 Glover, 223–225.
12 Burkholder ⦁ Opera Party example. If all of the operas composed at the height of this genre were evaluated, the proof of political intervention would be insurmountable. This is not to say that every work is riddled with possible political interpretations, but that every opera should be carefully examined with political context in mind to be properly understood. Bibliography Aspden, Suzanne. “Ariadne’s Clew: Politics, Allegory, and Opera in London (1734).” The Musical Quarterly 85, no. 4 (Winter, 2001): 735–770. Accessed September 26, 2023. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3600967. Black, Jeremy. The Politics of Britain, 1688–1800. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993. Glover, Jane. Handel in London: A Genius and His Craft. New York: Pegasus Books, 2018. Green, V. H. H. The Hanoverians: 1714–1815. London: Edward Arnold & Co., 1951. Grout, Donald Jay, and Hermine Weigel Williams. A Short History of Opera. 4th ed. Columbia University Press, 2003. https://doi.org/10.7312/grou11958. Hume, Robert D. “The Politics of Opera in Late Seventeenth Century London.” Cambridge Opera Journal 10, no. 1 (Mar. 1998): 15–43. Accessed September 26, 2023. https://www.jstor.org/stable/823724. Langer, William L. An Encyclopedia of World History: Ancient, Medieval, and Modern, Chronologically Arranged. 5th ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1980. McGeary, Thomas. Opera and Politics in Queen Anne’s Britain, 1705– 1714. Rochester: Boydell & Brewer, 2022. ——— The Politics of Opera in Handel’s Britain. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013. Timms, Colin, and Bruce Wood. Music in the London Theatre from Purcell to Handel. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016.
Musical Offerings ⦁ 2025 ⦁ Volume 16 ⦁ Number 1 13 Musical Offerings 16, no. 1 (2025): 13–26 ISSN 2330-8206 (print); ISSN 2167-3799 (online) © 2025, Abigail Pahl, licensed under CC BY-NC-ND (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/) After Death, He Did Not Die: An Examination of Palestrina’s Continuing Legacy Abigail Pahl Cedarville University hat is the significance of a person whose name never disappears from history? Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina (ca. 1525–1594) is among the few people who can boast of a reputation that has continued for over four hundred years. As a church musician and composer of the late Renaissance period, Palestrina lived during the Catholic Counter Reformation and adapted to the reforms of church music that resulted from the Council of Trent. His compositions are considered the height of Renaissance vocal polyphony. During the seventeenth century, his works were highly influential on theorist Johann Fux. Through Fux’s writings, Palestrina continued to have an impact on composition long after his death. Although Palestrina was respected during his own life, his reputation blossomed and even grew out of proportion in the years after his death. Palestrina’s reputation has been maintained throughout music history because of the credit he received for saving church music and his influence on Johann Fux’s treatise Gradus ad Parnassum. In response to the Protestant Reformation of the 1500’s, the Catholic church reexamined itself and made efforts to fix issues they found within the church. This movement became known as the Counter Reformation. In 1543, Pope Paul III called the Council of Trent to discuss and establish reforms, including those concerning church music.1 The use of music in 1 Schaefer, 20. W
14 Pahl ⦁ Palestrina the mass was discussed in the Council’s twenty-second session on September 17, 1562.2 Five main issues identified in church music were brought to the attention of the Council. In much of the music used during the church services, the text was unable to be understood. This was due to dense polyphony where the music was given priority over the words. Not only was the text unclear, but church composers had been omitting liturgical text.3 The bishop of Vienne, France, Fridericus Nausea Blancicampianus, reported to Pope Paul III a list of abuses in which he included: Nor do they recognize the fact that all too often those things which are prescribed for the sacred services are omitted or cut short for the sake of the harmonies of songs or organ music. These parts consist [of] the Prophecies, the Epistles, the Credo, the Preface, the actions of graces, the prayers, and other things of that sort which are of great importance.4 Songs in the vernacular that were not acceptable for church were also present in the services.5 In Blancicampianus’s report he states: They allow at times things to be sung which not only are not taken from the sacred scriptures, but which are entirely diverse from them, or certainly less spiritual, especially since they are not in the customary language but are in the vernacular, and they allow these to be read. This is contrary to the Catholic usage and custom.6 In addition to using the vernacular, secular music was being incorporated into the Mass. Specifically, parody Masses were often derived from secular tunes. Although during the fifteenth century the music itself was considered harmless, in the sixteenth century the original text was viewed as associating alternate meanings to the music, which did not lend the hearers to devotion but rather communicated messages that were “lascivious and impure.”7 Outside of the parody Mass, secular music was incorporated into the organ playing. There was also an issue of organists 2 Fellerer, 576. 3 Fellerer, 577. 4 Schaefer, 19. 5 Fellerer, 577. 6 Schaefer, 20. 7 Fellerer, 581.
Musical Offerings ⦁ 2025 ⦁ Volume 16 ⦁ Number 1 15 taking too long and showing off their skills during the church service. This distracted from worship and did not meet liturgical goals.8 Over the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, church music strayed from its original purpose of pointing people to God and instead evolved into something more secular. The Council of Trent recognized the corruptions and during their twenty-second session agreed upon certain reforms that needed to take place. Their ruling was: In the case of those Masses which are celebrated with singing and with organ, let nothing profane be intermingled, but only hymns and divine praises. The whole plan of singing in musical modes should be constituted not to give empty pleasure to the ear, but in such a way that the words be clearly understood by all, and thus the hearts of the listeners be drawn to desire of heavenly harmonies, in the contemplation of the joys of the blessed….They shall also banish from church all music that contains, whether in the singing or in the organ playing, things that are lascivious or impure.9 The Council set into motion ridding the Catholic church of secular music in their services and requiring the intelligibility of the text.10 Although removing polyphony from the church was discussed, it was decided that if the words were able to be understood, polyphony would continue to be permitted.11 Palestrina along with other composers showed that polyphony with intelligible words was possible. Sometime between 156212 and 1564 Palestrina composed his famous Missa Papae Marcelli which beautifully accommodated every musical reform of the Council of Trent.13 Across the movements of this Mass, Palestrina treated text intelligibility with different approaches. Of the six sections, the Gloria and Credo have the most text and therefore require the greatest care in the delivery.14 In the Gloria, Palestrina relies heavily on a note against note compositional 8 Fellerer, 577, 579. 9 Palestrina, 19. 10 Fellerer, 576. 11 Schaefer, 21–22. 12 Palestrina, 130. 13 Pyne, 55. 14 Jeppesen, Style and Dissonance, 41.
16 Pahl ⦁ Palestrina technique. This approach to composing has an influence throughout the entire Mass, which is the reason he was able to accomplish intelligibility,15 but it is especially apparent in this movement. The style of note against note or note against several notes allows the text in each voice to line up for the majority of the movement. In addition to passages that are completely together like the very opening measures, Palestrina briefly offsets the text and notes within the voices to add interest. The syllables are always brought back together quickly, such as at the beginning of the movement where the cantus, altus, tenor II and bassus II are singing Laudamus te. Starting on beat three of measure eight, the cantus, altus, and bassus II sing Laudamus over three half notes and te on the downbeat of measure ten. The tenor II begins with the other voices singing a half note in measure eight, but in measure nine embellishes - da with faster moving notes over three and a half beats. -Mus is placed on the and of beat four instead of beat three with the other voices. On the downbeat of measure ten, however, all the voices line back up and sing te together. (See Example 1). This kind of technique occurs throughout the Gloria. Example 1: Missa Papae Marcelli, Gloria, mm. 8–10 Since imitation blurs the clarity of the text, Palestrina mostly avoids it in the two sections that comprise the Gloria. There are only two instances where he does use it, both occurring at the end of a section. The first one 15 Jeppesen, Style and Dissonance, 41.
Musical Offerings ⦁ 2025 ⦁ Volume 16 ⦁ Number 1 17 is in measures fifty-five through sixty. After the text is clearly presented in measures fifty-one through fifty-five, Palestrina repeats the words several times in imitation. The second occurrence is at the very end of the Gloria over the word Amen. In addition to being sung clearly in the measures before, this text is very easy to understand and is predictable to be at the end of the movement, so Palestrina was less concerned with the listeners being able to distinguish it. The first two of the three sections that comprise the Credo are very similar compositionally to the Gloria. Palestrina used note against note or note against multiple notes to keep the clarity of the text. As in the Gloria, he frequently offset the text among the voices to allow more rhythmic variety as he gave some voices faster moving parts or staggered their entrances. However, like before, he quickly brings the text back together. The third section of the Credo does not follow the note against note style as uniformly. Instead, there is more imitation and moving notes, and the overall texture is more polyphonic than the previous sections of the Credo or the Gloria. The Kyrie, Sanctus, Benedictus, and Agnus Dei have significantly less text than the Gloria and Credo. Because there are fewer words and the text is repeated throughout, the words are naturally easier for the listener to understand.16 Due to this, Palestrina took more liberty to compose in a denser musical texture. The Kyrie employs a lot of imitation and is written in a polyphonic texture. Right from the beginning, the six voices enter imitatively across the first five measures. Only on the last cadences of each of the three sections do all the voices line up textually and rhythmically. However, the text is not lost to the listener because of its briefness and the amount it is repeated. Texturally, the Sanctus, Benedictus, and Agnus Dei I and II are similar to the Kyrie. Palestrina successfully accomplished intelligibility of text, but he also fulfilled the other reforms from the Council of Trent as well. The music for his Mass was not derived from a secular source. Since there is no known evidence indicating otherwise, he appears to have composed it himself.17 The text is in Latin not the vernacular. Overall, the product is serene music with flowing rhythm and the appearance of simplicity.18 Missa Papae Marcelli may have been presented at Vitelli’s house while he and some other church leaders were listening to newly composed 16 Jeppesen, Style and Dissonance, 41–42. 17 Palestrina, 126. 18 Pyne, 57.
18 Pahl ⦁ Palestrina works to determine the intelligibility of their text. Whether it was heard then or not, Palestrina’s Mass was known and respected as being an exemplary composition of the new style.19 Shortly after Palestrina’s death, the truth about his role in church music became blurry. Before long he was credited with single-handedly saving the music of the Catholic church.20 The earliest known source that attributes this to Palestrina was a treatise written by Agostino Agazzari in 1607 in which he states: And on this account music would have come very near to being banished from the Holy Church by a sovereign pontiff had not Giovanni Palestrina found the remedy, showing that the fault and error lay, not with the music, but with the composers, and composing in confirmation of this the mass entitled Missa Papae Marcelli.21 This information soon spread around Europe and was incorporated into other writings as well as translated into German.22 Many other sources picked up the story of Palestrina and continued its spread, including Pietro Della Valle who wrote in 1640, “I too admire that famous Mass by Palestrina that so pleases your Lordship, and which was the reason that the Council of Trent did not banish music.”23 One of the more influential people for spreading the legend of Palestrina was Giuseppe Baini, who studied the composer and wrote his biography. In 1828 he wrote a dramatic rendition of Palestrina being asked to write a Mass that would determine the future of polyphony in the church. “The fate of church music hung from his pen…”24 It describes the meeting at Cardinal Vitellozzi’s house to hear Palestrina’s compositions and concludes with highest praise of his Missa Papae Marcelli with the gathered Cardinals encouraging him to “go on writing in that style and to communicate it to his pupils.”25 Through such sources Palestrina has mistakenly been attributed with being the “savior of church music” beginning after his death and continuing even to today. Although this 19 Schaefer, 23–24. 20 Palestrina, 28. 21 Palestrina, 28–29. 22 Palestrina, 29. 23 Palestrina, 32. 24 Palestrina, 35. 25 Palestrina, 35–36.
Musical Offerings ⦁ 2025 ⦁ Volume 16 ⦁ Number 1 19 legend has given him a name in history, it is not the only means in which Palestrina has had an influence. Palestrina was considered the utmost example of prima prattica composition developed from the early fifteenth century.26 During his life, he advanced vocal church polyphony to its height,27 earning himself the reputation of perfecting this Renaissance style. His music is characterized by a mastery of consonance and dissonance, fluidity, skilled alternation between homophonic and contrapuntal textures, balance, “fluent and effortless”28 sound, equality between all the voices, and “flexibility and freedom in [the] melodic lines.”29 Because of his mastery, Palestrina is considered “among the most profoundly influential composers of all times.”30 In his book on counterpoint, Knud Jeppesen states that “from the style of Palestrina we can learn best what has always been the highest goal of the study of counterpoint.”31 Following Palestrina’s example is precisely what has happened over music history mainly due to the contribution of Johann Fux. Johann Joseph Fux (1660–1741) was a Baroque composer best known for his treatise on composition, Gradus ad Parnassum, based upon the contrapuntal style of Palestrina. The contents of Gradus are considered by some to be an idealization of Palestrina’s style.32 Some scholars believe that Fux did not write his Gradus to provide a formula for replicating Palestrina’s style, however. Jen-Yen Chen states that “Fux turned his attention instead to the usefulness of the broader features of the idiom for developing principles to be applied to contemporary music.”33 Thus, the ideas in Gradus are based in Palestrina’s overall style, but the principles are added to and defined by Fux. Fux’s purpose for writing, as stated in his introduction to his work, was to instruct young, willing learners to compose34 by providing a solid foundation in counterpoint.35 His treatise is structured as a dialogue between a master teacher, Aloysius, representing Palestrina, and a pupil, Josephus. In his 26Alwes, 13. 27Jeppesen, Style and Dissonance, 12. 28 Alwes, 13–14. 29 Coates, 84. 30 Jeppesen, Style and Dissonance, 12. 31 Jeppesen, Counterpoint, ix. 32 Kramer, 107–108. 33 Chen, 8. 34 Fux, 17. 35 Kramer, 108.
20 Pahl ⦁ Palestrina introduction Fux writes, “By Aloysius, the master, I refer to Palestrina, the celebrated light of music…to whom I owe everything that I know of this art, and whose memory I shall never cease to cherish with a feeling of deepest reverence.”36 Using Palestrina’s example, Fux instructs his readers on the very foundation of composition—counterpoint. Fux begins his treatise with discussing the nature of scales and intervals, the middle is devoted to counterpoint and fugues, and he concludes with some “comments on various stylistic trends.”37 Throughout his treatise he establishes strict rules for every aspect of contrapuntal composition38 as he teaches the general characteristics of fourteenth-century compositional style. That style included cantus firmus composition, the use of accents and their relationship to consonance and dissonance, what is melodically derived from using modes, and “preparation and resolution.”39 Although Fux based Gradus on Palestrina’s style, the entirety of his work does not accurately represent everything about it, nor was this its original intention. It is interesting to note, that Fux does not use any of Palestrina’s music as examples in his book. Instead, he composes his own excerpts for examples. Fux also prohibited some practices that Palestrina did use while adding other practices influenced by Fux’s own time that were not originally employed.40 Chen observed, “For Fux, the works of Palestrina furnished the material from which he could distill a set of abstract precepts of composition.”41 Although Gradus does not completely adhere to Palestrina’s style, his influence on Fux is very evident throughout. A comparison between Fux’s section within Gradus on counterpoint and Palestrina’s Missa Papae Marcelli reveals the amount that Fux’s ideas drew from Palestrina’s compositional style. Fux first presents note against note or first species counterpoint in his treatise. He defines this technique as each voice moving together with equal length notes using consonant intervals.42 According to Fux, the consonant intervals are the unison, third, fifth, sixth, and octave.43 The fourth can also be consonant depending on its context. As previously discussed, Palestrina used note 36 Fux, 18. 37 Fux, xv. 38 Kramer, 108. 39 Fux, x–xi. 40 Bush, 540. 41 Chen, 7. 42 Fux, 27. 43 Fux, 20.
Musical Offerings ⦁ 2025 ⦁ Volume 16 ⦁ Number 1 21 against note counterpoint throughout Missa Papae Marcelli. One such passage is the opening two and a half measures of the Gloria where all the voices move together in consonant intervals. (See Example 2). Example 2: Missa Papae Marcelli, Gloria, mm. 1–3 Second species counterpoint by Fux’s standards must occur in a duple meter context. It sets a whole note against two half notes. The downbeat interval must be consonant. On the second half note the interval can be dissonant if it is approached by step, or if approached by leap, it must be consonant.44 In Palestrina’s Mass, he does not strictly use whole notes set against half notes very often. However, there are instances where he will incorporate it in some but not all of the voices, such as measure forty-four of the Gloria where the cantus and bassus II have whole notes and the altus and bassus I have half notes. The tenor I and II have different rhythms from the other voices. (See Example 3). 44 Fux, 41.
22 Pahl ⦁ Palestrina Example 3: Missa Papae Marcelli, Gloria, m. 44 Measure 165 of the Credo is completely written in second species. The bassus I has a whole note while the rest of the voices have consonant half notes. In this example, however, the bassus II has a half rest on the downbeat and then enters with a half note on beat three. (See Example 4). Example 4: Missa Papae Marcelli, Credo, m. 165
Musical Offerings ⦁ 2025 ⦁ Volume 16 ⦁ Number 1 23 The similarities between Fux’s compositional principles and Palestrina’s techniques used in his Mass are also observed in the use of third, fourth, and fifth species. Gradus ad Parnassum was an immediate success after its publication in 1725.45 It was “distributed within a short time throughout the entire musical world”46 and was “sold out within a year.”47 Although it was originally written in Latin for international use, people of importance soon requested its translation into the vernacular. Their wishes were fulfilled. In 1742, Lorenz Mizler, a student of Bach, translated it into German. Nineteen years later in 1761 Manfredi translated it into Italian. In 1773, it was published in French by Pierre Denis. This edition, however, contained many revisions compared to Fux’s original text. An English version was published anonymously in 1791. Instead of a direct translation, this edition paraphrased Fux’s original work. The nineteenth century did not see additional translations of Gradus, but in 1938 and 1951 Alfred Mann translated it into German and in 1943 published it in English.48 Fux’s treatise gained recognition and popularity because, as Jeppesen said, “Its practical significance, which no other work on contrapuntal theory has attained, is due not only to the pedagogically excellent arrangement of the material so that the difficulties increase gradually, but also partly to the fact that Fux was one of the first to take a more modern attitude toward counterpoint.”49 Fux wrote Gradus to fix problems he saw in the composition of his time.50 However, it became a foundational text for composing counterpoint long after Fux’s death. The quick spread of Fux’s treatise can be attributed to the importance of counterpoint in the study of composition. Richard Kramer summarized the theorist Heinrich Schenker’s (1868–1935) view on the foundational quality of counterpoint when he wrote: For Schenker, the power of counterpoint is a given, an immutable inner law that controls the most remote tonal relations as it does the surface of the work, the one indispensable index of coherence, and, consequently, of 45 Mann, 57. 46 Fux, x. 47 Mann, 57. 48 Fux, xiv–xv. 49 Jeppesen, Counterpoint, 38. 50 Jeppesen, Counterpoint, 38.
24 Pahl ⦁ Palestrina an organic unity in which the quality of the work is proved.51 Compositional instruction at the end of the eighteenth century focused heavily, if not almost entirely, on counterpoint.52 Fux’s Gradus became a standard text for learning counterpoint and influenced many composers. “Mozart, Haydn, Beethoven, Rossini, Cherubini, Berlioz, Meyerbeer, Chopin, Paganini, Mendelssohn, Liszt, and Brahms all learned counterpoint by working through the ‘Gradus ad Parnassum.’”53 Haydn taught himself composition using Gradus. He is now known as the Father of the Symphony and the Father of the String Quartet. Mozart and Beethoven were also trained by Gradus. Mozart is considered one of the greatest composers of the Classical era and Beethoven was the main transitionary figure moving the Classical era into the Romantic era. Both Haydn and Mozart used Gradus to teach their own composition students.54 Similar to the way Fux adjusted Palestrina’s counterpoint rules in writing Gradus, Haydn and Mozart kept some standards from Gradus but changed others. “They [Haydn and Mozart] interpreted the model of the mentor [Fux] in the spirit of a later era.”55 Eventually, there was a move away from the traditional teaching of Fux’s Gradus. However, in 1862 Fux’s ideas were revived with the publication of Heinrich Bellermann’s Der Contrapunkt, whose content was derived from Fux.56 In the twentieth century, Gradus itself was revived and translated into modern languages. Gradus ad Parnassum demonstrated Palestrina’s deep influence on Fux. Fux’s treatise became widely influential and was formative to many composers great and small long after its first publication. For centuries after Palestrina’s death, he continued to have an influence on music composition through Fux’s Gradus. Fux’s reference to Palestrina in his introduction to his treatise and the role that Palestrina plays in Fux’s work has kept Palestrina’s name known in the musical world. “More than any other composer of his age or of earlier times, Palestrina’s reputation remained alive when the vast bulk of his contemporaries’ 51 Kramer, 108. 52 Kramer, 108. 53 Bush, 540. 54 Fux, xi–xiii 55 Mann, 64. 56 Mann, 70.
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