Elements of Discord in Secessia

LOYAL PUBLICATION SOCIETY, 8 63 IB ROADWAY •Vo. 15, Itanis nf in $tttssw, NEW YORK, OCT., 1863. NEW YORK: Wm. C. Bryant & Co,, Printers, 41 Nassau Street, cor. Liberty. 1863.

LOYAL PUBLICATION SOCIETY, The objects of the Society are expressed in the following Resolution, formally adopted by the unanimous vote of the Society, at its first Meeting, 14 February, 1863. Resolved, That the object of this organization is, and shall be confined to the distribution of Journals and Documents of unquestionable and unconditional loyalty throughout the United States, and particularly in the Armies now engaged in the suppression of the Rebellion, and to counteract, as far as practicable, the efforts now being made by the enemies of the Government and the advocates of a disgraceful peace to circulate journals and documents of a disloyal character. Persons sympathising with the objects of this Society and wish ing to contribute funds for its support, may address MORRIS KETCHUM, Esq., Treasurer, 40 Exchange Place, Receipts will be promptly returned.

ELEMENTS OF DISCORD IN SECESSIA. That the elements of discord and dissolution have been and are at work in the region of rebeldom is clearly manifest from an inspection of such of the Southern newspapers as have passed through our lines, or have come to us from abroad. In various ways, and by means of divers involuntary complaints, they in effect admit that the rebellion has thus far proved a failure. Besides, they show that they have dark forebodings as to the future. Some of the public men of the South, as we learn from private sources, chafe under the prominence of so many “ Northern men with Southern principles ” among them, and openly express doubts as to their reliability. They take pains continually to point out how many Yankees by birth are leading editors, or are filling high official positions among them. Their objections to these people, which appear to us to be prompted by jealousy, are of a sort suitable to and characteristic of the region in which they are made, and are not at all adapted to the United States or any foreign market. When, for example, they object to these renegades on the ground that they are not of the Norman race, (just as though they were not as much so as Pickens, Keitt, Wise, Cobb, Bragg, or Magruder,) they make a point that may tell in South Carolina, but which will only cause merriment elsewhere. When they urge against Yancey and Slidell the additional grounds that the former did not kill his uncle in a regular duel, and that the latter is the son of a New York tallow-chandler, we do not recognize the force of their position.

2 The fact that Yancey killed his kinsman, for which, even under the lax administration of the criminal law in Alabama, he was convicted, though he subsequently managed to procure a pardon, is enough, regardless of the mode in which he did the deed. He stands before the world as a convicted felon, who is at large through the exercise of Executive clemency. As to Slidell’s origin we care nothing. We know that he sets up for an aristocrat and a leader of fashion in Paris, and to that extent exhibits a pretension that may appear ridiculous to those acquainted with his history; but, for our part, we would think better of him if he had exercised his father’s vocation in an honest way in this his native city, than we do when we call to mind his disreputable financial schemes in the South, and his renegadism, treason, and his subsequent prudent transfer of his questionably gotten means beyond the jurisdiction of the region to the ruin of which he has so largely contributed. This jealousy and distrust on the part of the native born chivalry towards the Northern born chivalry who have got ahead of them in political and financial position, is one of the most significant signs of the times Another fertile source of discontent in the South is the circumstance which has leaked out, in spite of every effort to conceal it, that many wealthy secessionists, especially of the politician class, have put their money abroad. Though specious pretexts have been given out to excuse this, they do not satisfy the people. Those who have not had the foresight to take this precaution are vexed with those who have. People of limited means are beginning to make inquiry on the subject, and to demand why their political leaders have placed their funds beyond seas, and to insinuate doubts as to whether those who have done so are worthy of confidence. No more powerful argument against the prospects of the so-called Confederate States could be adduced than the production of the accounts of the bankers of London and Paris with the leaders of the rebellion. This growing suspicion on the part of the people of the South of their leaders, arising from the fact that so many of them have sent their available means to foreign parts, is another very significant sign of the times. Still, much money continues to go out by way of Matamoros.

3 There is yet another potent cause of discontent which is making itself apparent. Every promise held out by the rebel leaders has been met by a stubborn fact to the contrary. Those who vzere lured into treason by the flattering hope of “ peaceable secession,” have encountered war, and have been forced to submit to a relentless (unless they owned twenty negroes) conscription. Those who were enticed by promises of free trade, have had to submit to a tariff, a most exorbitant direct taxation, and an export duty on cotton. Those who were persuaded that cotton is king, have been compelled to burn it (when exposed to capture), or, as is the practice more recently, to sell it to De Bow and to the cotton agents of the Confederates at a low figure in paper, and are made to raise corn for the supply of the army in its stead. Those who were taught that coercion on the part of the United States Government was a horrible—indeed an insupportable enormity,'—have been coerced into all these measures, and those to whom submission to the constitution and laws of the United States was a bugbear, have been forced to submit to oppressions which nothing but a military despotism set on foot to establish some stronger form of government than a republic would dare to inaugurate. It is true that the office-holders of the South are satisfied. They have the spoils. The rare opportunities for speculation afforded by troublous times, are not unimproved by them. They have a government strong enough to repress the unarmed and unorganized masses, so long as they have the control of a large army, and a monopoly of all the appliances of war, and they will continue to make hay while the sun shines. Still, even among them, an element of dissolution is silently at work. To borrow the language of a distinguished prelate of Ireland, “ combinations for iniquitous purposes are frequently dissolved, from a bare contemplation on trie part of each of the individuals composing them of the utter worthlessness of all the rest.” After all, the most powerful of the causes at work to break down the rebellion, is the condition of mind that has been brought about by the facts transpiring around them among the masses in the South. Men will think. All believers in a democratic government, in the enlarged sense of the phrase, are fully persuaded that though a portion of the people may be led

4 astray for a time, in the end they will not continue to act against their own. interest. Suffering and hardships make the minds of men wonderfully acute to avert them. Not one white man in ten in the South owns a slave. Those who are not slaveowners, must see that slave labor operates in competition against their labor, and that large slave-holders hire their negroes out at a cheaper rate than those negroes would hire themselves for were they free. Questions come up before their minds, even when, as conscripts, they are gathered around their camp-fires, which are fraught with danger to the politicians that have ensnared them. They ask themselves what they are called upon to fight for, and what interest they have in the issues that have been made for them. They inquire whether they want a stronger form of government than that adopted by their forefathers, who thought a republic preferable to a monarchy. Suggestions will arise like the following: Have we not a military despotism upon us ? Who have been, and are, save the politicians, and perhaps, some of the slaveholders, benefitted by it ? Are we in favor of perilling our lives, after leaving our families unprovided for, to maintain slave labor in the hands of capitalists (to many of whom it operates as an exemption), to be used in competition with our own ? Would we not get higher wages, even if the negroes were made free and hired in the country ? Are we in favor of an export duty on cotton in addition to a tariff, and a direct taxation more burdensome than ever known on this continent before ? How much greater is our funded debt than that of the United States ? Will not our leaders in any event repudiate it, and even the paper with which we are paid, before long ? Is cotton king ? Has it opened so much as one of our ports ? Does burning it damage us or the people of the North the most? Has the attempt at a government made by Jeff. Davis & Co. accomplished anything thus far that can be regarded as really advantageous either to it or to us, the people ? Has it got possession of either the states or the territories it covets ? Is it not a decided failure, and is it not rapidly tending from bad to worse ? If this is not so, why are the old rats, like Slidell, deserting the sinking ship, and why have he and so many of our contractors and leading politicians put their money on the

5 other side of the Atlantic ? In short, are we willing to suffer and perhaps to die lighting against people with whose views we fully agree, and with whom we have a common interest, in order to continue and aggravate the evils that have heen brought upon us, and for no other purpose than to sustain a set of political harpies, who are fattening upon our misfortunes, and who look down upon us with a lordly contempt ? Unless the self-styled chivalry, (or, as Prentice calls them, the “ Chivalryites/’) who rule the South can keep the rank and file from thinking, trouble will arise in their midst before they anticipate it. When the outraged masses, goaded at last beyond endurance, rise up against them, such as may not have taken time by the forelock, and followed their money abroad, may meet with a swift and terrible retribution, instead of surviving to experience in exile the weary pangs of remorse. ------- ------------- THE VULGARITY OF TREASON. {See the Appendix to this Article.) This article, from Wilkes’ Spirit of the Times, has been revised and materially altered and enlarged by one of the contributors to the Loyal Publication Society, Mr. Wilkes is not responsible for the changes made. The secession leaders in the South divide mankind into two classes—Secessionists and Abolitionists. The letter from Beauregard to Bragg that was intercepted in Kentucky, urged that this classification be adopted, and the suggestion has been acted upon. Already, they had declared Secessionists and Unionists were of different races: that the former were Normans, and the latter Saxons. The new classification is not regarded as destructive, but rather as cumulative of the old; and now, among the elite of the rebellion, the white human family are in general held to consist of Norman. Secessionists and Saxon Abolitionists. That the leaders of the secession movement intended, from the outset, to give up republicanism as being incompatible with slavery, and to adopt a stronger and more aristocratic form of

6 government, has long been apparent. * That such was their design, was well known before divers of them admitted it in print. Hence their assumption of feudal descent, and the desire to ape the aristocracy of the dark ages which has cropped out on divers occasions in a most ludicrous manner. Their efforts in this direction are truly ridiculous. Men bearing such vulgar Saxon names as Cobb, Wise, Spratt, Keitt, Toombs, Bragg, Johns(t)on, (with or without the “ t,”) and Yancey, presume strongly on the ignorance of mankind when they pretend that they are of the Norman race. Only imagine a Norman bearing such a name as Magruder I It would be easier for Smith, Brown, Jones, and Robinson to prove by their names, undisguised by a surplus letter, a mediseval lineage. Suchj however, are the boasted and boastful Normans of secessia. Among them are to be found names which are not merely commonplace, as are the foregoing, or, as is the name Mason, but which, so far from being Norman or aristocratic, are intensely vulgar, and possess a signification indicative of the most humble and degraded Saxon origin. A friend suggests that it is easier to believe that the ancestors of such men as Wigfall, Pickens and Letcher, were among the barbers, petty thieves, and pimps, who in part constituted the camp-followers of the knights of old than that those now known by such appellations are of feudal descent. Such names have no place in the heraldic records of any race. All of the names cited, when we consider the arrogance of their owners, are bad enough, but the two last are really very impressive as to what must have been the moral status of the first of the ancestors of Governors Pickens and Letcher who were dubbed with them. Truly when • we bear in mind that South Carolina took the initiative in robbing the United States government, and her citizens lead off in confiscating northern debts, and that Virginia was the only one of the colonies that was.for a time the Botany Bay of England, it does seem most remarkable that their secession chief magistrates should be the possessors. of such appropriate names. * “ Democracy, in its original philosophical sense, is, indeed, incompatible with slavery, and the whole system of Southern society.”—Mr. Garnett of Virginia, in his letter to Mr. Trescott of South Carolina.

7 Shakspeare tells us that a rose by any other name would smell as sweet, but divers of the self-styled aristocracy of Secessia appear to have differed from him in opinion, and to have been in many instances ashamed of the patronymics which they inherited. Like Mr. Thackeray’s footman, James Plush, who after he had made a fortune by a gambling speculation in railway shares, assumed the Norman style of Janies de la Pluche, with a suitable coat of arms, they have sought a finer nomenclature. Peter Gustav Toutant (he is registered as Peter Gustav Toutant Beauregard in the General Catalogue of West Point) assumed the “Beauregard” (good countenance), which has the merit of being a fancy if not an aristocratic name, and subsequently dropped the “ Peter,” probably because he thought it plebian, while all the other male members of his immediate family are yet known as the Messrs. Toutant. What explanation can he give of the changes made that will relieve him from the imputation of snobbishness 1 Why one bearing the name of R. Barnwell Smith should wish to substitute for his surname the unchivalric name of Rhett we are at a loss to discover, although we can easily imagine that he might desire to get rid of his middle name—the felonious name of Barnwell, made notorious by George Barnwell as the paramour of Sarah Milwood, and as a murderer duly convicted and executed* Bow and Morse are unmistakable and common Saxon names, and as such are clearly incompatible with the Norman prefix of “ De.” Still the cotton agent of Mr. Jeff. Davis’ government, by what authority we know not, sports the name of De Bow, without so much as making it plausible by spelling it De B-e-a-u; and we have heard of a secession editor in Texas (originally from Maine), who got a statute passed, changing his name from Morse to De Morse, which was vetoed by Gen. Houston, the then President of the republic of Texas, on the ground that he was opposed to such statutes on principle and for various reasons—among the rest, because they might operate so as to defeat the collection of foreign debts. Still the Act was passed over the veto by a constitutional majority. Why Levy, of Florida, got the Legislature of that State to change his name to Yulee, we do not know. He is certainly of an ancient lineage, and may have merely effected a restore-

8 tion of his ancestral surname. We have not been able to ascertain what was the family name of the Impenitent Thief, though a distant relative of Mr. Levy, Mr. Judah P. [Query—was it not originally Judas I. ?] Benjamin, might, if inquired of, furnish reliable information on the subject, such as is known among lawyers as “ reputation in the family.”* * The writer seems to have acted upon a suggestion of Daniel O’Connell, and to have iw/erre^the descent of Messrs. Levy-Yulee and Benjamin from their principles—concluding from them that those individuals must be descendants of the Im mnitent Thief. Now, the foregoing are but instances of individual pretension and personal snobbishness on the part of the beautiful set of Normans—the overseers or their descendants turned planers who have proclaimed themselves to be the “ master race” on this continent—who have rebelled against a Republic, coerced the laboring classes among them, and have attempted to set up a strong government of their own. As a matter of course, their government has shown itself to be as vulgarly pretentious and as snobbish as themselves. Ignorant of those principles of good taste which suggest that the nomenclature which may not be improper when applied to blooded stock, is most unsuitable to the war vessels of a nation, the officials of Secessia christened its first little war steamers the “Lady Polk” and the “Lady Davis.” As “lord” is the correlative of “lady,” such appellations can only be permissible in case Bishop Polk were my Lord Bishop General Leonidas Polk, and the Great Repudiator my Lord Jeff. Davis. It is said that straws show how the wind blows: hence, such a nomenclature may be held significant— or, indeed, ominous. The vulgar pretentiousness and pretentious vulgarity of the traitors who are ruling the masses of the South, has long made them the laughing-stock of all really well-bred people both here and abroad. It must occasionally flash across the minds of the secession leaders themselves that they have been and are making a most absurd and diverting expose of their arrogance and weakness. Cicero said that he wondered whether a soothsayer coiild look a southsayer in the face without smiling. We should like to witness a rencontre between two of these m’en of

9 the “master race,” for example, between Barnwell-Smith-Rhett and Levy-Yulee. Only fancy how they would look? Still there are persons at the North, who are. of course, ignorant, underbred, and, to say the least, of questionable social position, who actually believe in the pretentions of the Southern leaders, and who think that it indicates gentility on their part to express a sympathy with traitors and to play the sycophant to treason. They feel so flattered by some social recognition they may have secured in former times from those who now contemn them as Saxons and abolitionists, that they cringe before their assumptions, and requite their scorn by fawning even at this time. This is both natural and right. If Northern parvenus and traitors at heart, look up to Southern parvenus, who are in armed treason, as their superiors, it is but proper that they should do so; for the latter occupy the more manly and respectable position when compared with their own. Real gentlemen and ladies are not only too well informed, but have too much spirit to commit such a blunder. They possess a more thorough knowledge of the social world, a greater elevation of character and better principles, not to speak of better taste. In the mean time, we should not be surprised if the Great Repudiator were to be so encouraged at the success of the experiments made by himself and friends in the way of preparing for a stronger form of government, as on some fine day to make a coup d'etat and declare himself Emperor, and assume the style of Jefferson I. Although this being ashamed of their ancestral names, hum ble though they be ; this arrogant though groundess assumption of a noble origin, and this pretentious nomenclature of their little war-steamers, indicates (apart from their printed avowals), that the Leader of the rebellion and his friends aim at the establishment of an Empire, with a peerage to sustain it; still, the incongruity of their names with feudal titles reminds us of a similar attempt made by Soulouque, the negro Emperor of San Domingo, who, in carrying out his programme, both amused and astonished the world by investing his sable courtiers with such titles as Prince of Marmalade, Duke of Lemonade, and Baron of Peas. Without waiting for the rebellion to succeed, for that can never happen until the Confederate Treasury Notes

10 are paid—i. e., “ six months after the day of j udgment”*—we may expect the Emperor Jefferson I. to take the Emperor Soulouque as his model, and surround his throne by a court of nobles, all like himself and his Empress Varina, of the Norman race, and. invested with titles, not borrowed from the old world, but still, not the less appropriate. He can make Floyd (for obvious reasons), Prince of Spoliation; Benjamin (on account of his brilliant effort at the Houmas land swindle), Duke of Honmas; Slidell, his Minister to France (who, from his proficiency at cards, is known at New Orleans as “Sly-dealand who, as “the Thurlow Weed of the South,arranged the Plaquemine election frauds), le Marquis de Faro el le Comte de Plaquemine ; Meminger (from the direction his financial schemes have taken) Earl of Salt River and Viscount of Papier Mache; and Yancey, (who was convicted for killing his uncle, but subsequently pardoned), Baron of Homicide. The self-created “Knights of the Golden Circle” (whose very style is a standing satire upon a government which has no gold, though it owes, and will soon repudiate an immense funded debt, and has out a great deal of paper), can be invested with a honafide order of knighthood by the appropriate name of “Knights of the Paper Circled1 And finally, he can do further all that may be in his power to make the rebellion reputable by organizing a “ Legion of Secession,” having two grand divisions : one for military merit, with a jet cross relieved by a gilt chain and hand-cuffs, emblematic of the divine right of negro slavery, for the maintenance and extension of which this war is waged, suspended by a black ribbon, as its badge ; and the other for civil merit—(for example, as a reward for those who, by exhibiting mulattoes and quadroons among their stock of slaves, show that they have taken an interest in improving the condition of the degraded African race,)—with a yellow bronze medal bearing a motto and an appropriate number suspended by a mauve ribbon as its distinction. Such an exhibition of “ high life below stairs” is all that is wanted to make what is now called “The Southern Confederacy” complete. * Rebel Treasury Notes payable “ six months after the independence of the Confederate States shall have been recognized by the United States,” are spoken of privately in the So’Uh as notes payable “ six months after the day of judgment.’ f This phrase comes from “ Russell’s Diary.”

11 APPENDIX TO THE FOREGOING ARTICLE— “THE VULGARITY OF TREASON.” Extracts from Rebel Organs. {From the “ Charleston Mercury”) Our women are all conservative, moral, religions, and sensitively modest, and abhor the North for its infidelity, gross immorality, licentiousness, anarchy, and agrarianism. ’Tis they and the clergy who lead and direct the disunion movement. It is a gross mistake to suppose that Abolition alone is the cause of dissension between the North and the South. The Cavaliers, Jacobites, and Huguenots, who settled the South, naturally hate, contemn, and despise the Puritans who settled the North. The former are master races—the latter a slave race, and dedescendants of the Saxon serfs! We are the most aristocratic people in the world. Pride of caste, and color, and privilege, makes every white man an aristocrat in feeling. Aristociacy is the only safeguard of liberty, the only power watchful and strong enough to exclude monarchial despotism. At the North, the progress and tendency of opinion is to pure democracy, less government, anarchy, and agrarianism. Military despotism is far preferable to Northern democracy, agrarianism, infidelity, and free love. Our enemies, the stupid, sensual, ignorant masses of the North, who are as foolish as they are depraved, could not read the signs of the times, did not dream of disunion, but rushed on as heedlessly as a greedy drove of hungry hogs, at the call of their owners. They were promised plunder, and find a famine ; promised bread, and were given a stone. Our enemies were starving and disorganized. The cold, naked, hungry masses are at war with their leaders. They are mute, paralyzed, panic- stricken, and have no plan of action for the future. ' Better, a thousand times better, to come under the dominion of free negroes, or of Gypsies, than of Yankees, or low Germans, or Canadians. Gypsies and free negroes have many amiable, noble, and generous traits ; the Yankees, sour-crout Germans, filthy, whiskey-drinking Irish, and Canadians, have none. Senator Wade says, and Seward too, that the North will absorb Canada. They are half true; the vile, sensual, animal, brutal,

12 superstitions Democracy of Canada and the Yankee States will coalesce; and Senator Johnson of Tennessee will join them. But when Canada and Western New York, and New England, and the whole beastly, puritanic, “ sour-crout,” free-negro, filthy, whiskey-drinking Irish, infidel, superstitious, licentious,' Democratic population of the North become masters of New York—what then? Out of the city, the State of New. York is Yankee and puritanical, composed of as base, unprincipled, superstitious, licentious, and agrarian and anarchical population as any on earth. Nay, we do not hesitate to say, it is the vilest population on earth. (From the Louisville, Ky., Courier. *) * This paper was driven out of Louisville, and was printed for a time under the protection of the rebel army at Bowling Green. It has since died. We are not brothers of the Yankees, and the “Slavery Question ” is merely the pretext^ not the cause, of the war. The true “ irrepressible conflict ” lies fundamentally in the hereditary hostility, the sacred animosity, the eternal antagonism, between the two races engaged. The Norman cavalier cannot brook the vulgar familiarity of the Saxon Yankee, while the latter is continually devising some plan to bring down his aristocratic neighbor to his own detested level. Thus was the contest waged in the old United States. As our Norman kinsmen in England, always a minority, have ruled their Saxon countrymen in political vassalage up to the present day—so have we, the “ Slave Oligarchs,” governed the Yankees till within a twelvemonth. We framed the Constitution, for seventy years moulded the policy of the government, and placed our own men, or “Northern men with Southern principles,” in power. On the 6th November, 1860, the Puritans emancipated themselves, and are now in violent insurrection against their former owners. This insane holiday freak wil not last long, however, for, dastards in fight, and incapable of self-government, they will inevitably again fall under the control of the superior race. A few more “ Bull Bun ” thrashings will bring them once more under the yoke, as docile as the most loyal of our Ethiopian “ chattels.”

13 DIALOGUE between an 01d-fasliioned Jackson democrat and a Copperhead. Copperhead—-Good morning, neighbor. I have called to have a. little chat with you on the condition of our country. Some of us think that the time has arrived for the people to do something. Democrat.—I am glad to see you, and the more so as you seem to think that the time for action has arrived. I have been all along and am still in favor of the vigorous prosecution of the war, and I hope, from the remark you have just made, that you have at last come around to my opinion. Cop.—exactly. If the war were conducted on such principles as I approve, I might go in heartily for it, but as it is, I am not inclined to support Mr. Lincoln’s policy. Dem.—What objections have you to it ? Cop.—I did not vote for Lincoln, as you know, and I am opposed to coercion, and to making the war a war against slavery. I don’t like the employment of negroes as soldiers, and last of all I am determined not to support any unconstitutional measures. Dem.—I did not vote for President Lincoln either, as you well know, but as he has been elected fairly under the Constitution he is my President now, and I am ready to spend my money and my blood to sustain him against Jefferson Davis, who commenced his political career as a repudiator, and ended it as a traitor. As to making the war a war against slavery, that is all right. ’When some 200,000 slave owners allowed their leaders to drag them into a war against a republican form of government, which they denounced as a failure, and to establish a military despotism, with a view to make it the

14 foundation of a stronger form of civil government, it looked to me as though, slavery was making war against civil liberty. Those who begun the war by firing on our flag at Sumter have made it what it is. They alone are responsible for the issues which they have tendered, and we, the American people, have accepted. By an Act of our Congress their property is forfeited, and their slaves are declared free. Would you have them made slaves again ? Is there any power granted by our Constitution to Congress to make slaves of them again ? I recognize and respect that Act as an accomplished fact, and will do all in my power to enforce it as well as every other law of the land. So far as making soldiers of the negroes, if they choose to volunteer, I see no objection to it. General Washington employed negroes as soldiers. So did General Jackson (who, when living, was my political chief), at the battle of New Orleans. Even the rebel Governor Moore, of Louisiana, set us a recent precedent for doing so by raising what he called his native guards, who were nothing but negroes and mulattoes. * You say you will support no unconstitutional measures. In this I fully agree with you, though I probably differ from you as to what those measures may be. * How could the rebels exhibit greater effrontery than by crying out against our employing negroes as volunteers after Gov. Moore had set us the example and after Albert Pike had recruited Indians? Cop.—That, I think, is hardly possible. You don’t mean to say that you intend to support all the measures of Lincoln’s administration ? Dem.—I do. The United States Government, no matter who for the time being is elected to administer it, is my government. Mr. Jefferson Davis, and his fellow rebels, and their dupes, are in arms against the Constitution, and have no right to claim that any measures resorted to to maintain that Constitution are unconstitutional. They have voluntarily declared themselves not under the protection of the Constitution. Their friends, if any they have in this country, even though they have not openly avowed themselves such, have no right to do for them what they will not do for themselves. Traitors in

15 arms have no rights under our Constitution and laws. By their treason they have forfeited all their previously recognized rights, and their lives into the bargain. 0 7 O Cop.—I thought you were a Democrat I Is it possible that you have, changed, and are now an unconditional supporter of Lincoln ? Dem.—I am a Democrat—a Jackson Democrat—«-as I have ever been, and expect to continue to be; and I am an unconditional supporter of President Lincoln’s, and of anybody else’s administration that may come into power under the Constitution, as against the so-called Government of Jefferson Davis. It is because I am a Democrat that I oppose a military despotism, set up to subvert democracy, and to establish an oligarchy monarchy, or some stronger' form of government. I will tell you what is more. I have served my term of nine months in the army, and have been honorably discharged, but I am still a war Democrat, and am ready to re-enlist whenever I deem it necessary. My comrades and myself are determined that this rebellion shall be put down, not by a shuffling compromise, but by force of arms. The people are with us, and we intend to succeed. Whenever Hooker or Rosecrans wants more men, they will be forthcoming. We know that the non-slaveowners of the South are with us in interest, and men are not blind to their true interests long. As to Jefferson Davis, what claim has he upon any true Democrat ? A traitor to our Constitution, he don’t even show a decent outward respect to his own. Did he not issue a proclamation' for privateers, when his own Constitution provided that only Congress could authorize privateering ? Under his own Constitution, how can he claim to be eligible to the Presidency ?—for was he not born in Kentucky, ■which never was, is not now, and never will be a part of the so-called Confederate States ? Cop.—You misunderstand me. I am not advocating the cause of the Confederate States. Dem.—Not openly; but what you are doing seems to me to amount to much the same thing. Cop.—By no means. My special object in calling is to see

16 if you won’t contribute something to aid the “Society for the diffusion of useful Political Knowledge.” Dem.—You are a little too late. We old-fashioned War Democrats of the Jackson school have our own opinion of that society, and it is formed in part from a knowledge of the character of the men who compose it. Thus far, none of them seem to have fought for their country. It may be that they have constitutional scruples against doing so. We think that some people in this country sympathize so strongly, not with the South, but with the despots that are ruling the South, that, before long, it may be necessary to do what Gen. Washington recommended in a similar case—to send them where they properly belong. Your Society for the diffusion of useful political knowledge don’t suit me. I and my sort in this neighborhood are for the war, and have subscribed to the fund of the Loyal Publication Society. Cop.—Indeed! Then I am too late. Good day. [Aside.] This is really too bad! Since we failed in our secret negotiations with Kichmond, and it got out, these old Democrats appear to have turned against us. We must try some other dodge. If we can do no better, we must at least make the best use we can of the word “ constitutional.” I must consult with our old office-holders, now sorely against their will out of place, and see if they can’t get up some new organization that may break down this Loyal Publication Society and save us. It will never do to let this war be ended by plain fighting—for, if thakwere the case, where would we be ?


The Loyal Publication Society has already issued a large number of Slips and Pamphlets which have been widely circulated. Amongst the most important are the following: No. 1. Future of the North West, by Robert Dale Owen. 2. Echo from the Army. 3. Union Mass Meeting, Speeches of Brady, Van Buren, Ac. 4. Three Voices: the Soldier, Farmer and Poet. 5. Voices from the Army. 6. Northern True Men. 7. Speech of Major-General Butler. 8. Separation; War without End. Ed. Laboulaye. 9. The Venom and the Antidote. 10. A few words in behalf of the Luyal Women of the United States, by One of Themselves. 11. No Failure for the North. Atlantic Monthly. 12. Address to King Cotton. Eugene Pelletan. 13. How a Free People conduct a long War. Stille. 14. The Preservation of the Union, a National Economic Necessity. 15. Elements of Discords in Secessia, &c., &c. 16. No Party now, but all for our Country. Francis Lieber. 17. The Cause of the War. Col. Charles Anderson. 18. Opinions of the early Presidents and of the Fathers of the Republic upon Slavery, and upon Negroes as Men and Soldiers. 19. ©inljeit nub JTmbeit, con Hermann U aft er. 20. Military Despotism 1 Suspension of the Habeas Corpus! &c. 21. Letter addressed to the Opera-Hduse Meeting, Cincinnati, by Col. Charles Anderson. 22. Emancipation is Peace. By Robert Dale Owen. 23. Letter of Peter Cooper on Slave Emancipation. 24. Patriotism. Sermon by the Rev. Jos. Fransioli, of St. Peter’s (Catholic) Church, Brooklyn. 25. The Conditions of Reconstruction, by Robert Dale Owen. 26. Letter to the President, by Gen. A. J. Hamilton, of Texas. 27. Nullification and Compromise : a Retrospective View. 28. The Death of Slavery. Letter from Peter Cooper to Gov. Seymour. 29. Plantations for Slave Labor the Death of the Yeomanry. By Francis Lieber. 30. Rebel Conditions of Peace. 31. Address of the Loyal Leagues. 32. War Power of the President—Summary Imprisonment— by J. Harmans. 33. The Two Ways of Treason. 34. The Monroe Doctrine, &c. ---------------- -------- - Loyal Leagues, Clubs, or individuals may obtain any of our Publications at the cost price, by application to the Executive Committee, or by calling at the Booms of the Society, No. 863 Broadway, where all information may be obtained relating to the Society.